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Is there a concept of the enemy? To what discursive sphere would it belong? Or, if there is no concept of the enemy, what are the factors that could have prevented its articulation? Following the reflections of Carl Schmitt and Jacques Derrida on the theologico-political, and reading canonical texts from the Western philosophical, political, and religious traditions, the author seeks to account for the absence of a history of the enemy.The question of the enemy emerges in this book as contingent on the way Europe has related to both Jew and Arab as concrete enemies. Moreover, the author provocatively argues that the Jew and the Arab constitute the condition of religion and politics. Among the many strengths of the book is the timeliness of its profound study of contemporary actuality: the volume provides a basis for a philosophical understanding of the forces at work that produced and kindled current conflicts in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East.
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I am very pleased that this collection of my papers, edited by Obrad Savic, is appearing in Belgrade. Work of this kind positively calls out for translation and publication in a new context. I hope that the fact that I come at familiar questions from an unfamiliar angle might be helpful to some readers. And even more, I hope that the reactions to and criticisms of this highly partial work will eventually help me to think about these matters more effectively. I think of this publication as one move in an ongoing exchange, which I hope we will one day be able to continue through meetings and other publications. I am of course aware of the difficult times and struggles which Serbian society is now going through, and I know that the experience of those who are working there for democracy and human rights, however dismaying to them, will have something to say to all of us. (Charles Taylor, Introduction)
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Pred vama su tekstovi koje je Vladimir Gligorov napisao za Peščanik, Blic, NIN, Helsinšku povelju, Ekonomist, Politiku, Danas, časopis Banka i Cord Magazine. Tekstovi su nastali između dva septembra, 2006. i 2010. godine. Na kraju knjige je izbor od devet eseja prevedenih na odličan British engleski, ljubaznošću The Bosnian Institute iz Londona i našeg prevodioca Ivice Pavlovića iz Novoga Sada. Naslov knjige je preuzet iz teksta Talog, napisanog u aprilu 2009, u kojem se analizira koliko rasizma i mržnje prema Albancima staje u jednu rečenicu Dobrice Ćosića.Ovo je knjiga sa poukom. Ona dokazuje da su ekonomija i politika povezane. Da društvo obilja naseljavaju slobodni ljudi. Najzabavniji deo su citati kojima autor počinje neke od tekstova. Tajno središte knjige je u eseju Identitet. Učite i uživajte: It is the thought, the smile, and the sound of the piano that matter.
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Sense of nationality continues to be extremely powerful, and in today's globalized world, is getting even stronger. At first glance, the most obvious sign of the nation's community are language and origin, but too many nations seem to have no common ancestry, or even using only one language. Moreover, the most violent clashes burst out between people, professing the same religion and belonging more or less to the same culture. What makes most people to anticipate their national affiliations as an integral element of his/her own "I", and to invent their own past to find "worthy" place for their community? What can cause an ethno-national community or at least its elite to deny their relationship with another nation and to claim themselves as belonging to a completely different community, deliberately ignoring the "uncomfortable" facts? The purpose of this book is to make a critical review of some deep-rooted cliches and generally accepted axioms. The Bulgarian, Balkan and Slavic national passions are considered in the context of ethnogenesis and the formation of European nations and the world.
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The purpose of this research was to identify common and distinct factors of resilience or vulnerability to violent extremism in Bosnian communities as well as the influence of key actors on those factors. Cantons selected as case studies had the highest number of parajamaats and foreign fighter departures, such as Sarajevo Canton (SC) and Zenica-Doboj Canton (ZDC), or had no parajamaats or departures, such as Bosnian-Podrinje Canton (BPC). The research sought to answer three main questions: 1) What are key factors of community resilience or vulnerability, and what factors are linked to the development of violent extremist beliefs by individuals and groups and the choice to join foreign violent extremist groups? 2) Which key actors influence community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism, and how do they shape such dynamics? 3) What is the impact of existing PVE programmes and initiatives in BiH on factors of community vulnerability or resilience to violent extremism? Researchers also wanted to determine: What are the primary entry points for PVE programming and response in BiH? And what crossover exists between PVE activities and peacebuilding and reconciliation efforts in BiH? This research identified several factors and actors that contribute to the degree to which certain communities in BiH have been affected or unaffected by radicalisation. The history of the 1992–1995 war has especially played a decisive role in shaping post-conflict radicalisation processes. This is true both in terms of how wartime actors and activities sowed the seeds of the Salafist movement in BiH and how wartime networks in certain communities increased the likelihood of investment by specific foreign actors in the post-war period. While researchers found that all these communities share some characteristics, including a lack of trust in institutions and a sense of uncertainty about the future, the main differences between affected and unaffected communities are linked to the war.
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Srđa Popović's analysis in détail of Serbia's way into the wars and conflicts of the 1990s
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Serbia is once again at crossroad that calls for the engagement of its entire society. The steps the government has made toward EU accession are insufficient, the more so since the government itself is not unanimous about the course. This is more than evident in the implementation of the Brussels Agreement. The great majority of citizens knows nothing or knows little about what a membership of EU implies. Besides, most major national institutions such as Serb Orthodox Church, parts of the Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences (now trying to change its course), influential intellectuals and parts of the civil sector are not committed to the values on which EU rests. Turbulence within EU itself and disorientation of some member-states play into the hands of EU opponents and fuel their resistance. Human rights and freedoms have regressed considerably over the past three years, the backsliding itself escalating during the state of emergency declared because of floods (May 15-23, 2014) and in the aftermath. Requiring expertise and, above all, preventive measures, the crisis situation itself revealed the government’s weaknesses and its attitude toward key issues of further democratization.
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The book “Framed Trials of Kosovo Albanians” is a product of the author’s three-year coverage of some of hundreds of proceedings against Kosovo Albanians from the autumn of 1999 till mid-2001. As the only Albanian journalist and longstanding Belgrade correspondent for the media in Albanian, the author was keeping the Albanian public posted on those trials via the Radio Voice of America and the Pristine-seated Zeri daily. Though not in detail such political trials usually necessitate, the book factually and authentically speaks of the legal processes instituted against prisoners of war – actually 2,000 Albanian hostages who were lucky enough to survive. The others met their death in prisons. The author finished his manuscript in May 2001 when all trials were practically over and the great majority of prisoners released under the Amnesty Law. However, for objective reasons, it was only in May 2002 that the book came out of print in Albanian. On March 26, 2002, the last group of 145 prisoners was transferred from Serbian prisons to Kosovo under the agreement between the Serbian authorities and the UNMIK administration. Thus, as mother of the well-known political prisoner Nait Hasani put it, “the doors of Serbian prisons were finally and forever closed for Albanians.” The book also reveals the nature and philosophy of Serbian public prosecutor offices and trial chambers that have been moved from Kosovo to Serbia. They did all but administer justice. They were nothing but mouthpieces of the then criminal regime symbolized in Slobodan Milosevic. The Albanians – including numbers of juveniles and women – they took hostage were indicted of terrorism either as members or supporters of the KLA labeled a terrorist organization. Without a single argument and evidence supportive to the charges, they meted out draconian punishment to those people. Many legal experts, independent intellectuals and human rights organizations from Serbia raised their voice against court decisions, calling those trials “the biggest defeat of the Serbian judiciary ever disgracing not only the legal profession but also the Serbian nation as a whole.”
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Although each of these stories relates to different experiences and misfortunes, the stories of Serb refugees from Dalmatia are not very different from the destiny of the Serb population, who were forced to leave their homes during the last war. New environment and people gave them just enough to stop fearing for their lives. But as the time passed, the feeling of not belonging to the new environment would not leave them. The feeling of longing for their ancestral homes and a piece of land they could call their own with certainty kept attracting them towards a new beginning.
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Hate speech in right wing media, angry shouting at stadiums and hate graffiti in the streets, public gatherings of Ustasha supporters as well as discriminatory and revisionist statements by senior state officials, became a part of political reality in Croatia in 2016. What is truly wor¬rying for the security of certain individuals and groups, and especially for representatives and members of the Serb community, is that the number of verbal and physical attacks against them rose last year and that hatred against Serbs and other individuals and groups of liberal and leftist orientation became more intense.
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This book comes from a large research endeavour of the European Union’s 6th Framework Programme, called ‘Microcon’, standing for the micro-foundations of violent conflict. In its entirety, Microcon consists of 28 component projects undertaken by 22 research centres across Europe, under the coordination of Sussex University. The Microcon website (www.microconflict.eu) gives a full account of participants, objectives and results. The project runs from 2007 to 2011.This book addresses the greatest source of societal tensions and violent conflict in contemporary Europe, involving people from minority groups of Muslim culture. Six country case studies – on Belgium, France, the Netherlands, Spain, Russia and the United Kingdom – give a comprehensive account of Islam-related tensions and violence, from the jihadist terrorist acts seen in Europe in the aftermath of 9/11 in the US, through to the urban riots of the type seen in France in 2005. These events are analyzed with a common typology together with detailed accounts of the social context in each country. Also included is an interpretation of the fundamental nature of the Islamist terrorism in Europe, with the outline of a strategy to repel it. The book is a unique source for those seeking to understand the nature of ethno-religious violence in contemporary Europe.
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The Western Balkans (WB) have come into the international spotlight as an arena for big power competition. In their foreign policy orientation, the region’s six countries — Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia — all share Euro-Atlantic affiliations, although the degree of affiliation varies. Internally, functional and structural weaknesses — whether Albania’s legacy of an isolationist communist dictatorship or the consequence of the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia in the other countries—open doors for hostile foreign actors to project their influence. The environment is rife with ethnic tension, border disputes, and neighbourly disagreements. All of these countries are developing democracies that have yet to fully recover from the aftermath of the Yugoslav wars. Their Euro-Atlantic orientation is currently a matter of tense debate. While Albania, Montenegro and North Macedonia have become NATO members, Serbia oscillates between East and West, its EU candidate status notwithstanding. Although EU membership is still uncertain for the Western Balkan countries, all six have expressed their willingness to join the Union but are advancing down this path at different speeds.
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Turkey’s path to membership in the European Union (EU) is full of many obstacles. The history of relations between Turkey and the EU is long and full of twists and turns. The subject of Turkey’s membership also triggers mechanisms of public debate that have been formed in the course of the countries’ past experiences. Over the centuries, Europeans formed an identity in which the Ottoman Empire, in the face of the Turks, was opposed to a different people. Hence the psychological barrier for an 80 million Muslim nation with an authoritarian presidential rule and a much lower standard of living with increasing hyperinflation. That is why the accession of Turkey to the EU will shake the European integration and in particular its Christian basis. At the end of October 2023, an interim report on the progress of Turkey’s negotiations towards joining the European Union is expected to be published.
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Since 2011, Türkiye officially hosts around four million refugees. On March 18 2016, the European Council and Türkiye signed the European Union (EU)-Türkiye Statement aimed at stemming the influx of irregular migration via Türkiye to the EU. The aim of the study is to examine the financial support program developed within the scope of the EU-Türkiye Statement, which focuses on managing irregular migration and financial aid. The Facility for Refugees, a main component of the EU-Türkiye Statement, consists of an EU budget of €3 billion and EU Member States contributions of €3 billion. More than 100 projects have been implemented in Türkiye with the funds provided under the Facility. In the study, financial aid will be evaluated in terms of humanitarian and development actions.
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