Seksualizovanje Srba

Author(s): Dušan Ilija Bjelić,Lucinda Cole / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Koliko god bio ironičan, gornji navod nagoveštava ne tako davna nastojanja kritičara i učenjaka da »objasne« Srbe, i to najčešće s ciljem da identifikuju ono {to bi moglo objasniti raširenu pojavu silovanja tokom razaranja Jugoslavije. Uvaženi sociolozi, antropolozi, stručnjaci za ženske studije, teoretičari politike i psihoanalitiki kritičari doprineli su ovoj raspravi, ponekad podržavši, a ponekad odbacujući esencijalističke opise srpskog identieta.

Le mythe du fédéralisme en Europe centrale de 1848 à 1918

Author(s): Catherine Horel / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

MODE OF EXERCISE OF THE NATIONAL MINORITIES RIGHTS IN SERBIA

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.

KAKO SE OSTVARUJU PRAVA NACIONALNIH MANJINA U SRBIJI

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia and Humanitarian Centre for Integration and Tolerance from Novi Sad in the course of August and September 2002 carried out a research on the status of collective rights of national minorities in Serbia. That research covered 36 municipalities in Vojvodina and 16 municipalities in Central Serbia, that is municipalities inhabited by the largest number of national minorities according to the 1991 census.7 The goal of research was to establish the level of enforcement of collective rights of national minorities as prescribed by the domestic legislation and international standards. The research covered guaranteed collective rights of national minorities in the following areas: 1. The right to use mother tongue and alphabet 2. The right to education in mother tongue 3. The right to nurturing national culture and tradition 4. The right to information in mother tongue 5. The right to effective participation of national minorities in public life. This research was carried out by the two teams. One worked in the territory of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, while the other worked in Central, or more precisely, Eastern Serbia, Sandžak and South Serbia. Their work was divided in view of high concentration of minorities in those areas.

Vývin školského systému na Slovensku v rokoch 1918 – 1939

Author(s): Ľubica Kázmerová / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Vobdobí vzniku Československej republiky (ČSR) sa školstvo na Slovensku, ktoré tvorí základ každej národnej kultúry, nachádzalo v katastrofálnom stave, čo bolo dôsledkom dlhodobého pôsobenia uhorskej štátnej politiky voči nemaďarským národom Uhorska a vojnovej vyčerpanosti spoločnosti. Prechodom frontu na východe Slovenska a tiež rabovaním po skončení vojny boli mnohé školské budovy poškodené a ich mobiliár zničený. Vládne miesta mladého štátu si uvedomovali zložitosť situácie a problémom školstva a vzdelávania venovali zvýšenú pozornosť. Centrálnym orgánom riadenia školstva sa stalo Ministerstvo školstva a národnej osvety (MŠANO) so sídlom v Prahe. Školstvo spravoval v slovenskej dočasnej vláde od novembra 1918 Anton Štefánek, ktorý sa stal o niekoľko mesiacov neskôr referentom pre oblasť školstva Ministerstva s plnou mocou pre správu Slovenska spravovaného Vavrom Šrobárom. Od roku 1919 pod jeho vedením pracoval Referát MŠANO pre Slovensko so sídlom v Bratislave.

Prevodi

Author(s): Magda Petryńska,Danièle Sallenave,T. M.,Leonidas Hatziprodromidis,Predrag Matvejević,Melita Richter Malabotta,Paolo Facchi,Nino Recupero,Claudio Venza / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Ljudska prava u kontekstu političkog sistema

Author(s): Andrea Zubović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

ljudska prava se temelje na pojmu urođenog dostojanstva svih ljudskih bića. Univerzalna su, neotuđiva, nedjeljiva i međuovisna. U Bosni i Hercegovini ljudska prava se štite na nivou države, kao i na nivou entiteta. Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine, te ustavi entiteta, na specifičan način štite ljudska prava, kroz direktnu primjenu Evropske konvencije o zaštiti ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda.

Položaj nacionalnih manjina u političkom sistemu

Author(s): Katarina Crnjanski-Vlajčić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

U radu su obrađeni ključni aspekti ostvarivanja prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini. Prikaz osnovnih prava nacionalnih manjina garantovanih međunarodnim dokumentima dat je u oblasti društveno-političke participacije i ostvarivanja prava na kulturnu autonomiju (pravo na njegovanje sopstvene kulture, pravo na obrazovanje, informisanje i službenu upotrebu maternjeg jezika). iako u ovom radu nisu posebno isticani problemi nacionalnih manjina na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine, jasno je da postojeći sistem zaštite njihovih prava ostavlja prostor za dalje unapređenje.

References

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

China and USA: Trade war in the case of Huawei

Author(s): Piotr Bubrowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The author analyzes the China-US trade war in the case of Huawei by giving the Huawei company description, the history of conflict, the characteristics of the trade war image in Chinese media.

Zašto i kako smo istraživali?

Author(s): Belinda Milanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Koliko se poznajemo je istraživački projekt koji je realiziran u okviru Odjeljenja društvenih nauka Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovaj istraživački projekt je sociološko istraživanje međusobnog poznavanja studenata katolika, pravoslavnih i muslimana u BiH kao preduvjet za dijalog i izgradnju kulture mira. Rat vođen u Bosni i Hercegovini (1991—1995) u nekim periodima poprimio je i religijsko/konfesionalne karakteristike. Dovelo je to do još veće međusobne udaljenosti između katolika, pravoslavnih i muslimana (a u popisu 1991. godine 96,6 % stanovništva se tako samoidentificiralo).

Koliko se (ne)poznajemo toliko smo tolerantni? Muslimanke i muslimani o sebi i drugima u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Zilka Spahić Šiljak / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

U ovom radu analiziramo koliko studentice i studenti koji se deklariraju kao muslimanke i muslimani poznaju sebe i svoju religijsku tradiciju, koliko prakticiraju islam, ali i koliko poznaju druge religijske tradicije u svom okruženju te kakve stavove imaju o svojim komšijama katolicima, pravoslavnim, jevrejima i onima koji se izjašnjavaju kao ateisti i agnostici. Građani Bosne i Hercegovine uglavnom žive u etnički i religijski podijeljenim i homogenim sredinama i mladi se socijaliziraju i obrazuju u takvom okruženju, uz religijsko konfesionalno obrazovanje koje pohađa većina djece. Sociološko istraživanje pod nazivom ”Koliko se poznajemo” ima za cilj pokazati da li u kojoj mjeri nepoznavanje vlastite a posebno religije/konfesije drugoga doprinosi socijalnog distanci, te da li je to prepreka dijalogu i izgradnji kulture mira. Stupanj religioznosti mladih je analiziran kroz ideološku, obrednu i intelektualnu dimenziju, kako bi se utvrdilo koja je razina religijske pismenosti. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju koje vrste autostereotipa muslimanke i muslimani imaju o sebi, uglavnom pozitivnih, u odnosu na druge, ali i koje vrste heterostereotipa imaju prema svojim komšijama. U konačnici, koliko muslimani kao najbrojniji u BiH (50,7 procenata ukupne populacije) pokazuju socijalnu distancu prema svojim komšijama jevrejima, katolicima i pravoslavnim, ali nereligioznim osobama, i koliko to utječe na njihovu opredijeljenost za prihvaćanje različitosti, a ne samo pasivnu toleranciju?

ZAVNOBIH: POLITIČKA IMAGINACIJA PRAVEDNOG RATA

Author(s): Nerzuk Ćurak / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The transcripts from Sarajevan State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina session witness the dedication of its councilors towards the present. This implicates an intense connection of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the Yugoslavian geopolitical imaginary (B&H as a homeland within a homeland). At the same time, it develops a discourse – an indisputable one – of a unified Bosnia as a political community being built as a state. The third ZAVNOBiH session, unfortunately, did not develop enough strength to deepen and pull the true levers of the state citizenship imagined within the earlier grand freedom charter from Sanski Most. However, the epochal success of the Sarajevo session lies in its development of a territorial identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a socially, economically and culturally conscious space. This success is an epochal success – especially when compared with B&H’s current arrested development. Today, this country is left without its unified space, reduced to a mere territorial sum. It is also deprived of its unique trinational togetherness, reduced to a nationalistic negation of the ZAVNOBIH itself, a translation of the “3 in 1” formula into a “big, acephalous nothing”. The fact that the third ZAVNOBIH session was held in Sarajevo witnesses the building of Bosnia from the state of war to the state of peace as a political community – from the periphery of a just war (Bosnian Krajina) towards the center (Sarajevo), which used to be an extremely important symbolic and political message about its core state community. This community grew as a natural, decentralized entity, but with a clear, leading, all encompassing topos from a place (that is not Belgrade, nor Zagreb) where its unique plural identity is forged. Our only option is to proceed with forging.

OD OBNOVE DRŽAVNOSTI DO RAVNOPRAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U DEMOKRATSKOJ FEDERATIVNOJ JUGOSLAVIJI

Author(s): Miodrag N. Simović,Mujo Demirović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

During the Second World War, the People’s Liberation Movement (PLM) in Yugoslavia had several goals, of which the anti-fascist fight and liberation of the country stood out, as well as the building of a new democratic people’s government, i.e. a new socio-political system. In order to understand this, one must keep in mind the historical outcomes and activities of which stand out: (1) letters from the advanced Bosnian student youth of 1937, 1938 and 1939; (2) the leftist magazine „Putokazi“ from Zagreb, which was published for three years (1937, 1938 and 1939), with a total of 13 issues, edited by Skender Kulenović and Hasan Kikić, Zijo Dizdarević, Hamid Dizdar and Safet Krupić. The editor-in-chief was Šukrija Huskić and (3) the Fifth National Conference of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in Zagreb from 19 to 23 October 1940, which paid special attention to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Understanding the anti-fascist fight of the PLM as a permanent civilizational-existential constant, in which all peoples and nationalities led by the PLM took part, the authors focus on building a new people’s democratic government. At the same time, they emphasize that the center of the PLM was in BiH, especially in Bosnian Krajina, where historical key events were held (two sessions of the National Anti-Fascist Council of People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina - ZAVNOBiH in 1943 - in Mrkonjić Grad and 1944 in Sanski Most and two sessions of the Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia - AVNOJ - in 1942 in Bihać and in 1943 in Jajce). Thus, the development of the PLM and the building of new government in BiH were directly correlated. Eminent scientists (such as academician Enver Redžić) asses that these historical events happened under the pressure of successful development of the PLM and that they would have happened without the instructions of the PLM leadership, which does not question their role at all.

PARALELE IZMEĐU ZAVNOBIHOVSKOG I VREMENA KOJE ŽIVIMO

Author(s): Slavo Kukić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

ZAVNOBiH is an expression of the desire of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to live in freedom, as their own, in a community in which decisions about their lives will not be made by other but by themselves only. And that is exactly why ZAVNOBiH could have been the instigator of both the nationwide gathering under the same flag and the nationwide enthusiasm, both in the whirlwinds of the National Liberation War and after it. Actually, with the third session, ZAVNOBiH ended its life by transferring its competencies to peacetime government institutions. However, the spirit of enthusiasm it produced did not diminish in these institutions either, at least for the first twenty or so post-war years. In support of this, after all, there are the statistics - the achieved rates of economic growth, according to which Yugoslavia, and with it Bosnia and Herzegovina, of course, was at the very top of the world, then the achieved rates of employment, trends in gross domestic product, achievements in education and health and many other indicators. Have the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina forgotten the values on the wings of which the war-torn country of the 1940s and 1950s was rebuilt, from which youth work actions were fed, which radiated love instead of hatred? On an emotional level, I’m not ready to believe that. In reality, however, it is possible to mark the details that most seriously warn - not only today but all the years of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s social and political transition.

ZAVNOBIH I PROBLEM SOCIJALISTIČKOG FEDERALIZMA

Author(s): Asim Mujkić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crucial task of the Third Assembly of the Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ZAVNOBiH) was to create a framework for the establishment of further development of Bosnia and Herzegovina as federal Unit. This assembly resulted in the important acts for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a member of Yugoslav Federation such as the constitution of the first Peoples Assembly, and the Law on People’s Government based on which, two days later, April 28, 1945. the first People’s Government had been formed, etc. However, one important question remains – what kind of federation was Yugoslav socialist one? Socialist Yugoslavia looked after Soviet federation as its model which, in scientific literature, could best be described as ethnoterritorial federalism. So Yugoslavia was simultaneously understood as the federation of its peoples and its republics in which its peoples practiced their sovereign rights. Based on this double approach, the two interpretations of Yugoslav federalism developed in time: the unitary-centrist one which considered the borders of republics as administrative, and the republican-federalist one which considered republics as sovereign national states. There was also a third variant of socialist federalism developed during 1970’s – the socialist self-management federalism which delegated the political subjectivity down to the level of individual enterprises and local communities designed to undermine nationalist interpretation, but it failed to be implemented due to already strengthened etatisms. These federalist dilemmas were especially fatal for Bosnia and Herzegovina which could not have been constituted as national republic-state.

Czech Historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000–2018)

Author(s): Ladislav Hladký / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This paper provides a synopsis and characterization of the most important historiographically, politologically, and ethnologically oriented works published in the Czech Republic between 2000 and 2018 on the history and current evolution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech works on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be divided into two main groups. The first group includes monographs by historians who were familiar with the reality of Bosnian multiethnicity in the period before the breakup of Yugoslavia and in that context, therefore, continue in their books to support the idea of preserving Bosnia within its existing borders and in the form of a multinational state. The second group comprises books by Czech authors who primarily focus on analysing political events in the contemporary, so-called post-Dayton Bosnia, of which they are highly critical and as a result also highly skeptical when it comes to the prospect of continued coexistence between the nations of Bosnia. During the period in question, several works were published in the Czech Republic dedicated to the history of Czech-Bosnian relations and the synthetical treatment of the history of the Czech national minority living in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Nauka i politika: moderna ruska historiografija o Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

The periods of deep political and social quakes always bring reconsideration and rearrangement of the events that happened in the past. Disappearance of ideological paradigm, changes in global politics and epochal consciousness affected the return of the pre-socialist past, its romantization and idealization, as well as revisionist change of social determinants that were used for historical interpretations in post-socialist countries with the intense action of politics, nationalism and history in their historiographies. Even the bigger historiographies like Russian, are not immune from political pressure in relation to its own history, and histories of other countries and nations. There are many differences between the Soviet and the modern Russian historiography, as well as their forms. Due to the wish to control history, the international and class principle gave its place to the more active, national one, with the renewal of its identity that is clean from communist influence. Interests and politics of superpowers leave a huge mark in the history of the Balkan nations. Political disputes and positioning affect the historiographies and they play a big role in determining the topics that need to be researched. Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the emergence of new post-Yugoslav states on the European political map worsened the efforts of Russian historians in analyzing and researching their past and modernity. The increase of Russian interest in researching the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina is related to the political crises and conflicts in that area and wider Balkan context. Their attention is mostly focused on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878.) and the Bosnian / Annexation crisis (1908–1909), dissolution of the SFRY and the “post-Yugoslav” wars. They also do research about the events that occured in this area in the last decade of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century.

EKONOMSKO-FISKALNA OBILJEŽJA DRŽAVE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE: STANJE I PERSPEKTIVE

Author(s): Kadrija Hodžić,Željko Rička / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

In this article, the authors give arguments to develop the thesis that the constitutional order of Bosnia and Herzegovina ignores the government’s financial sovereignty, and conclude that Bosnia and Herzegovina is fiscally sovereign as much as a confederation. In the centre of economic and political-legal debate on the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina are different approaches to the allocation of responsibilities between the state and its entities, and approaches to organization of government. In this discussion, the dominant question is whether Bosnia and Herzegovina can be considered a federation or a confederation. In the disagreement of national and political elites, the dominant conflict is based on ethno-national notions of ethnic homogeneity and national sovereignty over “own territories”. The solution for the sustainability of Bosnia and Herzegovina in this article is observed through two conceptual levels. In the first, the involvement of the international community, especially the European Union, in designing the changes of Dayton Agreement seems inevitable. According to the second, Bosnia and Herzegovina will have to reconcile the current irreconcilable differences of its national political elites on its own. In both cases, the minimum acceptable framework for all legal solutions should include the establishment of mechanisms for fiscal sustainability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including economic-fiscal coordination between the entities and the Brcko District, protection of equal individual and collective rights, equality of the constituent peoples in the entire territory of the country, including minority rights, and the adoption and implementation of international treaties and conventions on human rights.

PROMJENA ETNIČKE STRUKTURE OPŠTINA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI PREMA POPISU STANOVNIŠTVA 2013. GODINE

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

U istraživačkoj studiji o etničkoj strukturi opština u Bosni i Hercegovini prema Popisu stanovništva 1991. i 2013. godine elaboriraju se promjene u demografskoj strukturi stanovništva koje su nastale od 1991. do 2013. godine. Posebna pažnja daje se promjeni etničke strukture stanovništva po Popisu stanovništva 2013. godine. Jedinica posmatranja promjene etničke strukture stanovništva jeste opština kao osnovna teritorijalna – samoupravna jedinica u kojoj žive stanovnici jedne zemlje. Komparacija etničke strukture opština po Popisu stanovništva 1991. sa etničkom strukturom po Popisu stanovništva 2013. je pokazala da je došlo do radikalne promjene etničke strukture u opštinama Bosne i Hercegovine. Prema Popisu stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine 2013. godine dvije trećine opština imaju jednonacionalnu strukturu u postotku od 70% do 99%. Ovakve promjene etničke strukture uslovljene su politikom nasilnog etničkog čišćenja u vremenu rata i preovladavajućim uticajem etničkih stranaka u vršenju vlasti u postdejtonskom periodu. Etnička homogenizacija stanovništva ostvarena u vremenu rata 1992–1995. odvija se i u miru kao etnička teritorijalizacija. Etnička teritorijalizacija prostora ima svoju osnovu u etno-politikama jednonacionalnih stranaka. Usljed takvog društvenog kretanja na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine oblikovana su područja s dovršenom etničkom teritorijalizacijom. Ona se javljaju u vidu Republike Srpske za Srbe, zatim u vidu pet kantona za Bošnjake: Tuzlanski, Unsko-sanski, Sarajevski, Zeničko-dobojski i Bosansko-podrinjski. Za hrvatski narod kao etnički teritorijalizirani prostor iskazuje se u: Zapadno-hercegovačkom, Hercegbosanskom i Posavskom kantonu. Višenacionalna struktura stanovništva održana je u gradu Mostaru, Distriktu Brčko i opštinama: Jajcu, Bosanskom Petrovcu, Vukosavlju, Jezeru, Donjem Žabaru, Gornjem Vakufu, Pelagićevu, Žepču i Busovači.