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Telling, talking about and writing on experiences of migration, war and flight, means in processto create a space of protection. Also in an inner sense, influencing emotions and feeling of life, or fromthe perspective from outside, watching, what is happening to others: with empathy, migration isunderstood as life changing happening. It is internal sense an from the perspective from outside withempathy a changing event and, communicated with one another, harbors the chance of belonging,placeless and free. When the telling of the others begins, we change and with our imagination reality ischanging.
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İnsanlar arası ilişkilerin hakkaniyetli bir toplumsal zeminde inşa edilebilmesinin ve sürdürülebilmesinin önündeki en büyük engellerden biri, “biz” ve “onlar” ayrımını oluşturan “sorunlu” kimlik belirlenimleridir. Etnik, dini, kültürel, ideolojik ya da cinsiyete dayalı bir şekilde geliş(tiril)en kimliklere bağlı hak talepleri ve çatışmaları özellikle son elli yılın önemli siyasi ve sos-yo-kültürel değişimlerinin katalizörü olmuştur. Teknik ilerlemenin belirleyiciliğinde çok katmanlı bir sonuç olarak ortaya çıkan küreselleşme, bir yönüy-le adeta küçülerek sıkışan bir dünya durumuna, yani farklı coğrafyalardaki insanları kuşatan zaman ve mekâna dair türdeşlik algısının hızla yayılmasına sebep olurken, diğer taraftan, kimliklere dayalı talep ve çatışmaların yaygın-laşmasına, engellenemez bir yükseliş göstermesine ve farklı siyasi stratejilerin temel söylem ve eğilimini belirleyerek (Keyman, 2007: 110) kamusal ilginin odağına yerleşmesine zemin oluşturmuştur. Dolayısıyla, farklı temel-lerde ortaya çıkan kimlik talep ve çatışmalarına değinmeksizin yaşadığımız dünyayı anlamak, söz konusu talep ve çatışmalara kalıcı çözümler bulmadan da güvenli bir dünya düzeni ihtimalinden söz etmek olanaksız görünmektedir (Yaman, 2016: 730).
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This comparative study will thus serve the scholarly purposes of articulating a multifaceted critique of Smith’s work while offering a corrective to his theory of religion through a turn to Bataille. More broadly, it commends further attention to Bataille by students of religion, for the field of religious studies stands to be invigorated by Bataille’s provocative, deliriously lucid writings. Following the example of Bataille, I will formulate grounds for resisting the rationalist mode in religious studies as exemplified by Smith, inquiring into the possibilities presented by shifting the register of religious studies from Smith’s privileged ratio-scientific concepts - for example, objectivity, distance, reason, conservation, accumulation, knowledge, and futurity - to those that Bataille puts forward in his theory religion: excess, experience, eroticism, expenditure, destruction, violence, and the present moment. I will argue that the (usually implicit) values connected with these respective approaches must be discerned and considered in thinking about how to theorize religion. There is, I believe, much to commend thinking more frequently and intensely in a Bataillean experimental register.
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The academic discipline of the history of religions is intrinsically interdisciplinary, and perhaps in a position to contribute particularly useful insights to the dialogue across academic boundaries. This essay is intended to present a very thin slice of cultural responses to our contemporary condition, and to suggest a few possible resources for analysis of them.
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Why then should we be interested in the Jaina tradition and its relations with the West? First, the numbers do not give an accurate picture of the importance of Jainism. Jains like Anju Jain, former co-CEO of Deutsche Bank, are influential in the world of business and trade. In India, Jains both male and female are much more likely to be literate than their Hindu compatriots. The Jain tradition is rich and beautiful, both in the historical and contemporary perspective. Jains have made central contributions to Indian culture. In Indian philosophy they sought to position themselves in the middle ground between the “one-sided” views of other schools.
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We often wonder: What are the limits of religious tolerance? Why can we be very open to the idea of tolerance, as a principle, and still, when it comes about our own family/actions, to be, in many cases, intolerant?1 What is the difference between the idea of tolerance and its particular application? And why, so many times, we are tolerant in words, and intolerant in practice? Why does this difference occur? And why are we showing indifference when we should implicate ourselves and make a difference? Yes, we play with notions, but we actually do this in everyday life.
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Youth across the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) are consistently an influential generational cohort that contributes to progressive and evolving visions of Kurdishness. Not only are they impacting the nature of Kurdish identity through their activism and shrewd use of social media, but they are also moving toward a more critical views of patriarchal nationalism (Kurdayetî) and challenging gender norms. In the past half century, the KRI has become the locus of Kurdish nationalism, which has acted as a means of entrenching patriarchal, clientelistic, and patrimonial attitudes in the name of the national and Kurdish struggle against the Iraqi state. More recently, this patriarchal nationalism has become increasingly fragmentary, promoting a sense of disconnect and apathy within society, since the political elite has reduced Kurdayeti to a tool used to loosely legitimize their diminishing claims to power. This approach by the political elites has failed to create a united and consistent shared sense of belonging in society for a largely adolescent and youth cohort. Kurdish leaders continue to use past glories, struggles, successes, and achievements to maintain power, even as their current policies no longer feasibly represent or entice the evolving interests of a substantially youthful population.
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The foundations of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) were laid in 1991 and what started as a form of de facto autonomy became official in 2005, being enshrined in the new Iraqi constitution. This brought major changes to how Kurdish people were socialized in the newly established Kurdish region. A new generation was born in this decisive period during the 1990s that has now grown up to be citizens of the Kurdistan Region and Iraq, with the cohort of people under the age of thirty constituting most of the country. The systematic changes of governance in Kurdistan and Iraq in 1991 and 2003 have led to a situation in which the members of this cohort were politically socialized much differently than their parents.
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Schopenhauer’s concept of the will-to-life was transformed by one of his main disciples, Philipp Mainländer, in his Philosophy of Redemption (1876) into the will-to-death, preceding Freud’s investigations regarding the death drive in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920). The post-Schopenhauerian conception that non-being is preferable to being anticipates Cioran’s discussion of suicide from A Short History of Decay (1949) and his vision of the “catastrophe” of birth from The Trouble with Being Born (1973). If, from a Nietzschean perspective, Cioran’s obsession with death is a symptom of passive nihilism, from an extreme-contemporary perspective, his pessimistic thanatophilia may resonate with our anxious crepuscular mentality, prefiguring contemporary Antinatalism.
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Since his work of youth (On the Inner Dialogue) Mihai Şora proposes the act of dialogue as an essential, self-producing state of the human being. Dialogue involves equality in dignity and alterity and the discovery of alterity as a revelation of the world as a structure of potentialities or openings of the me-you type, characterized by reciprocity. The me-you dialogue and the inner dialogue, the communion or the generalized dialogue, are at the same time an ethical commitment of the partners practicing openness and reciprocity, the foundations for freedom and for the awareness of our position in relation to the world. Dialogue produces the occupation of the inner space of the being as voice of the being and at the same time assuming of the outer space as discursiveness, as permanence of acts of being and acting together. Communion as an emotion thus edifies not only the subject participating in the dialogue but also a new entity, the communion itself, an affective perhaps agapic composition. Starting from here, we aim to explore the philosophy of dialogue of Mihai Şora as a theoretical background for a structuring the methodology of a dialogical counselling or philosophical practice aimed at elucidating and relating the subject to the outside world as an autonomous act of the self that is exercised in communion as co-author and giver of meaning.
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Gender mainstreaming has become necessary for the success of all military peace support operations. This requirement was first felt as the number of military interventions increased by the international community after the Cold War. This increase helped develop gender mainstreaming in global organizations and alliances like the United Nations and NATO. NATO has been an active actor in military operations recently, and lessons learned from these practices have demonstrated the need to develop a concept emphasizing gender mainstreaming in military organizations. This is also essential in the post-conflict resettlement and peacebuilding phases because the participation of all genders in this phase increases the success and sustainability of the settlement. This paper examines the development of gender mainstreaming in NATO and its subsequent impacts within the organization. This development has led to a change in mindset in planning and conducting military operations and organizational structures.
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Although there is no article in the national legislation in Türkiye that restricts women’s political rights, it is seen that the participation of women in decision-making mechanisms in the public sphere, both at the national and local level, is quite limited. According to the 2022 data from the World Economic Forum (WEF), Türkiye ranks 124th among 146 countries in the Gender Equality Ranking and 112th in the political empowerment ranking. “The European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life” was prepared in 2006 by the European Council of Municipalities and Regions (CEMR). This document is among the activities carried out under governance, democracy, and citizenship. It encourages local and regional governments to make a public commitment to achieving gender equality and implement the principles in the Charter. This specification, supported by the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye, has been signed by 31 municipalities in Turkey. Later, when the Istanbul Convention was withdrawn, the activities were slowed down, and the applications of the municipalities that signed and wanted to sign later were suspended. With a project carried out by the Association for Supporting Women Candidates, 17 new municipalities have signed terms, and then training has been given to promote gender equality. The organized capacity-building activities were evaluated under three main headings: relevance, effectiveness and sustainability. The most important commitment of the 17 signatories in terms of ensuring sustainability is to prepare the Local Action Equality Plan within two years. This study evaluates the steps taken by the pilot municipalities involved in the project to prepare the Local Equality Action Plan due to the capacity-building training that lasted for one year. A survey study and interviews with municipalities were carried out as a method. The participation of municipalities from different regions in the research revealed the importance of regional differences in promoting gender mainstreaming.
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This paper is based on the research related to the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Recent analyses reveal that the civil society has been in the development process since the late Ottoman Empire. Moreover, the post-1980s liberalization process of the public sphere has been in relation to the empowering civil society that has been also a scene of the women’s rights movements. Indeed, this was visible in parallel with the reform process in the 2000s under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) governments. In this regard, research shows that the development of civil society and the empowerment of the women’s rights movements has been in parallel that shows the strong role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Preliminary research reveals that early struggle for women’s rights had been in the magazines and newspapers during the late Ottoman Empire. In 1914, Women’s University (Inas Darülfunun) was founded in Istanbul. With the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923 more freedom was provided for women in terms of lifestyle. The global wave of feminism influenced the women in Türkiye in the 1960s. In the post-1980s, first of all the magazines on the struggle of women emerged. In the 1990s, the research institutions on the gender and women’s studies started to emerge. Later, the organizations from various ideological positioning of women emerged for the struggle for women’s rights. Also, the development of internet technology contributed to the women’s movements’ being a part of the virtual public sphere. This paper presents the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye.
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Colonialism lived a negative indelible scar that pursues the rights of the African girl and woman till date. After the defeat of the Germans in Cameroon in 1916, the British and the French partitioned Cameroon. Britain later further divided its portion into British Southern and British Northern Cameroons and administered them as parts of Nigeria. From then on, women in this territory were marginalized by the British colonial administration. One would have expected a change after independence in 1961. Yet, that was not the case. This paper seeks to uncover some of the injustices perpetrated on the woman in West Cameroon during the British rule (1916-1961) and thereafter (1961-2022) despite her sacrifices. With the use of qualitative method, drown from a combination of primary (oral and archival) and secondary sources, it was observed that colonial tasks assigned to the woman and her treatment by the colonial authorities was not din. Their rights to social security were usurped. Even the breakdown of this territory into many slices sowed the seed of the Anglophone crisis that has lived the woman and the girl child perplex between the gun of government militia and that of secessionists. Today, many of them live with precarious situations as refugees in neighbouring countries or as internally displaced within Cameroon. This paper however recommends an effective decentralization in the absence of a federation as a long lasting solution to the problems of the girl child and mother in West Cameroon.
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I am a sportsperson, she thought, trying to express her very thoughts on a platform she had never hoped to appear on; I fight to be better, for myself, for my team, for my country, which I have represented in dozens of international tournaments. We work with team spirit, friendships, and perseverance. This is what I was trained for, day and night, strict as military drills… although I stand for peace and understanding. I want to show what we, the women, neither repressed nor privileged, can achieve when we set our minds and hearts! I wish to inspire youth to be steadfast and independent! Otherwise, what’s the point of this much sweat… and blood… and tears? It means so much that we cannot lose them! I’ll no longer pretend to simulate this passion for machines!
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Emerging Space Warfare Technologies and Space as A Possible Theater of WarSpace activities are divided into two as civil and military space activities. Civil space activities include scientific and commercial activities. Military space activities, on the other hand, include military monitoring and intelligence activities that have been accepted for peaceful purposes until today. There is concern that military space activities will also turn into non-peaceful activities. Especially the armament of space and the possibility of possible conflicts to turn into space wars are quite frightening for humanity. It also means that both civilian and military space activities cannot be sustained. In order to prevent this situation from occurring, it is important to investigate the possibility of space becoming a theatre of war and to find ways to prevent this situation.
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Space and politics have always been inextricably linked. Space is also linked to the concepts of security, safety, and defense. In the context of security and safety, space infrastructures and services are key elements of the political and strategic dimension. This is because the main driving force of all space programs of states has been political objectives. The advent of space flight created a fundamental historical rupture between industrial modernity and the post-modernity of the information age, which was initially only vaguely perceived. The information age, in all its manifestations, has given rise for the first time in human history to a truly planetary international political system. The space age is the age of global politics.
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Unprecedented advances in science and technology directly affect the structure of contemporary international relations and reshape the balance of power. The technological rivalry between the two great powers in the international relations of the Cold War has gained extraordinary momentum with the inclusion of more actors in the post-Cold War world. In light of changes in the twenty-first century, the conventional three-dimensional – land, air, and sea – framework of sovereignty and power struggle in international relations has been expanded to five dimensions by including outer space and cyberspace. Considering the impact and decisiveness of outer space and cyber technologies on conventional domains, it is clearly seen that the structure and balance of twenty-first century international relations will be realized mainly through these two domains. Because of the unique character of outer space, the obscurities, and limitations it contains, constitute the primary focus of national and international security concerns of contemporary international relations actors. The intense interdependence of the artificial and anonymous structure of cyberspace with outer space technologies reveals the necessity of dominating cyberspace for dominating outer space. In such a complex environment, attempts to securitize outer space by international relations actors are naturally on the rise. Not only governments but also non-governmental actors appear to be directly and increasingly involved in the militarization and weaponization of outer space. The securitization of outer space through increasing militarization and weaponization initiatives has alarming implications for international security. Compared to conventional domains of sovereignty, possible destruction in outer space or cyberspace could have harsh and irreversible consequences on the entire world. Therefore, any diplomatic and legal initiative that strengthens cooperation and communication in outer space is of great importance for the establishment of international security. In this context, evaluating the status and impacts of space diplomacy is deemed crucial in order to better comprehend the future of international space politics in line with current scientific and technological breakthroughs.
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As a result of the development of space technologies, the number of satellites deployed around the world is increasing. These satellites are used for both military and civilian purposes. In the production process of satellites, costs have decreased and their sizes have decreased. The capabilities and variety of satellites have also increased. The increase in satellites deployed around the world can cause various problems. Satellites that are obsolete or out of use deviate from their course. Thus, the increase in votes brings with it the potential for danger. In this section, it is claimed that the potential risks will increase as the number of satellites deployed around the world increases. Today, the increase in the number of satellites brings with it serious problems. As a result of this increase, the danger of satellite pollution arises. Within the framework of these claims, it is necessary to focus on satellite pollution and to put forward various suggestions to prevent it.
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