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The Contemporary polytechnic composition of the Republic of Kazakhstan’s population has been forming over a very long time. However, the social and political events of the 19th and 20th centuries had the most noticeable impact on the process, primarily forced relocation of various social and ethnic groups in the Russian Empire, among which there were Poles. The fate gathered in contempo-rary Kazakhstan members of 130 nations, in East Kazakhstan alone there are 105, including about 500 people of Polish nationality or origin. They ended up in a dis-tant country at various times and for various reasons, and for many of them, in time Kazakhstan has become a second home. These people came to the Kazakh land often not of their own volition. They were mostly members of the libera-tion movement in Poland in the 30s and 60s of the 19th century. Deportees, peo-ple of different age and occupations: poets, painters, doctors, architects, lawyers and many others. This article is about them and their ancestors. They left a huge mark on the history and culture of our country, but it is not only the fate of Poles in Eastern Kazakhstan, which we should like to talk about. There are a lot of them and of various origins. The more we find out about us and about our neighbours, the less space will remain in our hearts for the stereotypes and distrust, the more we gain understanding and respect for each other.
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Central and Eastern Europe is a perfect laboratory for the study of interaction between borders, identities and citizenship; and the relationship between minorities, the state they live in and their kin-state. These relations are constantly evolving and fluctuating.1 National minorities are spread across newly-established and nationalizing states, sometimes at the border of their kin-state, sometimes further away, following both the political and national reconfigurations after the fall of multinational empires like the Hapsburg, Ottoman and the Tsarist Empire after World War I, and multinational states like the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia after 1989. In this context, we aim to question the self-identification of national minorities living at the border of their kin-state that gives them a certai form of protection through various processes and legislation, like citizenship.
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Our paper outlines some of the major social and political processes affecting Transylvanian Hungarians. It is a progress report relying on empirical investigations carried out mainly within the framework of the Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities. It will focus on problem areas and will underscore some of the policy and political challenges the ethnic elites of this community have to face. Our first thesis is that social and demographic processes are not independent from political-institutional structures framing the everyday life of a minority community. In this sense, the all-embracing power asymmetry between minority and majority categories characterizing modern nation states is of central importance. Andreas Wimmer highlighted that the question of “Who owns the state?” (in ethnic terms) is crucial, even if largely ignored in the social sciences. The importance of this question is due to the fact that modern nation states have created new mechanism of social exclusion, namely they have systematically privileged the titular ethnic groups. Brubaker et al. analyzing the everyday relations between Romanians and Hungarians in Cluj/Kolozsvár also highlighted the deeply asymmetric nature of this relation and emphasized that this asymmetry has sever demographic and social consequences on the long term. The first part of our paper will describe major macro-social and demographic trends from this perspective, highlighting some of the consequences of the power asymmetries.
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The term ‘diaspora’ is becoming increasingly popular. However, if we examine what we mean by this expression precisely, we come across a broad spectrum of topics such as migration, minority existence, ethnic and national affiliation, social integration, cultural assimilation, multiculturalism and various national politics. How do diaspora communities come into existence? How can we distinguish them, if at all, from other smaller communities of a similar nature established on the basis of ethnicity, national affiliation or religion? What is the relationship between the diaspora, the host country and the homeland, if there is such a thing? Should we distinguish between the various uses of the concept of diaspora in the political, everyday and academic sense? How has the semantic content of this concept changed: what did it mean in the past and what does it mean now? Why has it become so popular? This paper seeks an answer to these questions with the ultimate aim to clarify the problems surrounding the term diaspora with the help of a comprehensive and applicable definition. Since we are essentially dealing with a conceptual definition, it is worth starting by presenting the etymological roots and the semantic evolution of the given term.
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Pozdravljam vas u svoje ime i u ime Foruma Bošnjaka Kosova i želim uspjeha u inicijativama u vezi sa aktuelnim projektom Regionalna saradnja Bošnjaka, odnosno „Dani bošnjačke kulture“. U kontekstu ove teme, želim da kažem da su Bošnjaci narod koji živi na svim kontinentima ove planete, i sa tog aspekta njihova saradnja u svim oblastima života je historijski izazov i neophodnost.
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Čast mi je i zadovoljstvo što sam u prilici da se, u svojstvu predsjednika BS obratrim, kako Vama, učesnicima eminetnog skupa uglednih Bošnjaka, tako i široj javnosti, koja će, nadam se, kroz neposredno učešće, ili putem kvalitetne medijske prezentacije, dobiti mogućnost da bude podrobno informisana o ciljevima, sadržini i efektima ove naše manifestacije. Uvjeren sam da će vam Rožaje, sandžački gradić na krajnjem sjeveru Crne Gore, privredno zapostavljen i zapušten, ali sa žiteljima velikog srca, koji su njegova najveća vrijednost, žiteljima koji svoju ekonomsku neimaštinu nadomještaju duhovnim bogatstvom, više puta dokazivanom spremnošću da sa prognanim i izbjeglim nesrećnicima podijele svoj oskudni stambeni prostor i ono, što se ima, na sofru da se prinese, biti dobar i zahvalan domaćin.
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Poštovani gospodine Predsjedniče, Političko predstavljanje manjinskih naroda je veoma važan izazov Crne Gore sa aspekta njene stabilnosti i evropskih integracija ali i pitanje demokratske zrelosti i izgrađenog povjerenja.
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Već u samom naslovu teme koja je predmet naše pažnje na nivou međunarodnih normi osjetiće se izvjestan stepen nesklada u smislu onoga što nude međunarodni instrumenti u oblasti zaštite manjina ili bolje rečeno etničkih cjelina sa posebnim svojstvima i potrebama u odnosu na većinsku populaciju neke države. Na regionalnom planu pak već se naziru drugačiji tonovi u smislu relativizacije načela da ljudska prava pripadaju samo individuama i da okvir za rješavanje pitanja statusa i položaja posebnih etničkih grupa predstavlja država u granicama njenog suvereniteta, teritorijalnog i političkog. To daje za pravo svakom ko želi ozbiljno testirati svoju sposobnost za analizom složenih pojava, a to zaštita manjina u najočiglednijem smislu i jeste, da prethodno definiše granice ili domet svog rada zadržavaju}i se na ciljevima zbog koji analizu sprovodi.
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The main research question in this study was focused on how adolescents’ stereotypes toward several ethnic groups which live on the territory of Vojvodina look like today, and what is the direction of these specific stereotypes. The sample involved 804 elementary (final year) and high school (all four years) students from Vojvodina. As a measurement for ethnic stereotypes we used the modified version of the Katz-Braly stereotype checklist. Besides that, the positivity/negativity of each stereotype toward different ethnic groups was assessed and compared. Stereotypes toward five ethnic groups whose members live on the territory of Vojvodina were examined (Croats, Hungarians, Roma, Albanian and Montenegrins). The results show that there are clear stereotypical pictures of all mentioned ethnic groups and that there are major differences between the positivity of these stereotypes. Findings show that the most negative stereotypes are toward Albanians and Roma, whereas stereotypes toward the other three ethnic groups seem to be more positive. Significant differences in positivity of stereotypes with regard to gender and age were captured, as well as the interaction effect of these two variables showed to be significant. Namely, males had more negative stereotypes toward every ethnic group except Montenegrins and younger participants had more negative stereotypes, but only toward Roma. There were no gender differences among high school (older) students with regard to stereotypes only toward Roma. Parents’ education level had no significant influence on the positivity of their children’s stereotypes.
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This paper presents and analyzes minority identities from the perspectives of affect control theory and identity control theory. These are the contemporary sociological theories of social interaction and social emotions, which refer to the phenomenon of social identity of an individual as well. The control mechanisms of affect and identity as generators of (minority) identities are analyzed, together with the analysis of social emotions and social meanings within the context of social interaction and social structure. In this manner, the affect control and identity control theories are presented as a valuable theoretical framework for an explanation of human social behavior with important consequences for the phenomenon of minority identity endurance and for the policies of preserving and nurturing minority identites.
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