We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
In the debate on ‘globalisation’ and politics, two concepts have become ubiquitous: ‘global civil society’ and ‘global governance’. Let us attempt to determine a definition of each term and then progress to a discussion of democracy in relation to these institutional forms of social action.
More...
The activity of the Union of Jewish Religious Communes in Yugoslavia (henceforth: the Union) was renewed on October 22, 1944. The Union was reconstructed on the basis of the pre-war organization that went into the same activities and bore the same name. Under the law valid at the moment the Union had been set up, it was treated as a religious community. In keeping with the changed social and political conditions, it was necessary to start the process of adapting to the new reality. The change of status and character of the post-war Jewish community was officially adopted at the sixth post-war conference of the Union of Jewish Communes in September 1952. This was made official by removing the word “religious” from the official name of the Union. After WWII there were some 4,400 Jews who had survived the war as civilians and members of the partisan movement in the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The population that had survived the horrors of the war in the Yugoslav territory was enlarged through arrival of refugees and POWs who had been in camps in occupiers’ or neutral countries. They were registered with the Union. Apart from Yugoslav citizens, among the refugees who contacted the Union there were also citizens of 18 European and non-European countries: of Germany, Switzerland, Turkey, USA, UK, Columbia, Spain, Syria, France and Poland. The Union of Jewish Religious Communes of Yugoslavia organized their lives too and took care of them, as well as of Yugoslav nationals.
More...
The Serbian bourgeoisie found itself in a particular social and political situation in 1944–1945. Apart from the victory of the People’s Liberation Movement in the liberation and civil war and the take-over by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, it was determined by the division into two worlds, East and West, socialism and capitalism. The Serbian bourgeoisie, like that in other East European countries, found itself between those two worlds. On the one hand, according to the basic ideological values it espoused, it was turned westwards, whereas, on the other hand, geographically and politically it found itself in the area in which the new political and social forces headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia strove to establish the values which canceled the very basis of the existence of the bourgeoisie. Particular attention was devoted to democracy, as one of the great ideas of the Serbian bourgeoisie. In meeting and clashing with the revolutionary forces it was defeated and virtually “disappeared”, together with the bourgeoisie as political and social class. After difficult crucible with it met during the previous decades – for instance crucible connected with the fulfillment of the national ideal, i.e. the creation of a democratic state in which all Serbs would live, or temptations occurring within the multiethnic state, or those, particularly hard, created by wars, particularly WWII - the Serbian bourgeoisie was weak, divided, without the aid of a strong monarchy, army and support of the Western democratic powers in that historical moment to defend and save the achievement in which it invested political, economic and intellectual capacity and innumerable human losses. The older generation of the Serbian bourgeoisie which had experienced democratic political life was biologically, politically and in every way tired and spent. It couldn’t understand the new times which demanded changing one’s ideological and political views and opinions, as well as moral values and their adaptation to the new times. Neither did the younger generation of bourgeoisie which was supposed to take over and lead the struggle for democracy have enough strength, unity or capability. It ripened in the years leading to WWII and had no opportunity to realize what the real democratic and parliamentary life looked like. The new times draw them partly into the ranks of the Communist Party in whose ideals they saw beacons for better life and arrangement of social relations.
More...
Currently there are no published attempts at giving an overarching overview of central governmental reforms of the past quarter century of post-transition development in Hungary. The study wishes to contribute to filling this gap by offering a systematic overview of central state administration reforms in the period between 1990 and 2014. The study relies overwhelmingly on a systematic review of existing literature describing individual reform measures and shorter time periods; an additional empirical basis is a selection of key pieces of legislation and policy documents relevant to central state administration reforms.
More...
Public administration in organizational terms of administrative structure can be understood as a set of public institutions. In terms of the definition of the competencies of public institutions, it can be understood as a set of processes that these public organizations carry out. If the public administration is to function effectively, then both organizational and procedural aspects of public administration must be in line. Public administration reform should mainly aim to achieve such compliance by changes in "the structure and procedural practices of public administration in order to streamline the activities of these organizations." (Pollitt - Bouckaert, 2000, p. 8). The major moments of changes in the organizational level of public administration in Slovakia are captured in the first two subsections of this chapter (1.1 Description of public administration prior transition in 1989 and 1.2 Development of Public Administration after transition).
More...
The starting point for all the countries in 1989 was similar – the need to create the foundations for a new democratic model of public administration in all four countries. Changes in this period were intended to overcome and eliminate the shortcomings of centralized control of state administration. This period was characterized by the creation of a new set of state institutions corresponding to the requirements of liberal democratic principles. The political, legislative, and economic changes also required transformation regarding the perception of its role, activities of executive apparatus and institutions, nature and quality of public administration employees, and effectiveness of their work. During certain period after first dramatic changes realized especially in 1990-1991 in all the countries the focus was on fine-tuning new structures and mechanisms, and new major changes came only significantly later – differently for each country. In the following text we describe country by country what happened in next phases of PARs.
More...
Výzkum demokratizace se v posledních letech dostal do stavu, kdy množství produkované literatury vytváří korpus jednoho z nejkomplexněji studovaných fenoménů sociálních věd. Tato situace logicky plyne z více než dva a půl tisíce let starého úsilí pochopit procesy, které s budováním demokracie souvisejí a v podstatě je definují [Coppedge 2012: 1]. Svébytný trend je možné sledovat i dnes, kdy do výzkumu demokracie vstupují nové, „ne--tradiční“ dimenze, které nacházejí inspiraci v různých historických etapách (např. rané období moderní Evropy), strategických přístupech (teorie her), kulturách (Asie, arabský svět), dědictvích (postkolonialismus, postkomunismus) nebo samostatných otázkách, které s demokratizací stále více souvisejí (válka a mír) [Coppedge 2012: 2; Sadiki 2009]. Toto horizontální rozšiřování, které je založeno na zahrnutí širšího okruhu témat a výzkumných problémů, je doplňováno prohlubováním vertikální dimenze, jež odkazuje na čistě metodologické debaty v rámci sociálních věd. Dochází tak k neustálému rozvoji a doplňování výzkumných nástrojů [King, Keohane, Verba 1994; Geddes 2003; George, Bennett 2005; Brady, Collier 2010].
More...
Lidská práva, snad ještě víc než demokracie, se v nedávné době stala skutečným lingua franca jak vnitrostátní a mezinárodní politiky, tak do značné míry i politické teorie a v jejím rámci teorie demokracie a demokratizace [Tasioulas 2012: 2]. Stále se rozrůstající shluk politických problémů, výzev a sporů je rámován jazykem lidských práv, což vede některé autory a autorky k varováním před nekontrolovanou expanzí lidskoprávního diskursu i aktivismu. V jejich důsledku má hrozit rozmělnění speciálního významu a postavení lidských práv, stejně jako pojmová neurčitost [Griffin 2008: 14 an.]. Lidská práva jsou zároveň úzce propojena s demokracií, ať už v rovině praktické (politické a soudní) nebo opět v souvislosti s její politicko-teoretickou nebo ústavně-právní reflexí. Účelem této kapitoly je jednak načrtnout základní kontury a nejdůležitější rozlišení v rámci pojmu lidských práv, a v druhém sledu vrhnout světlo na některé výzvy a problémy, kterým teorie lidských práv čelí a které mohou mít významný dopad na chápání demokratických, demokratizujících se i nedemokratických režimů.
More...
Benjamin Constant kdysi ve slavné přednášce rozlišil dva druhy svobod: na jedné straně stojí svoboda starých spočívající „v kolektivním, a přitom přímém výkonu určitých částí suverénní moci, ve veřejném projednávání války a míru, v uzavírání spojeneckých smluv s cizinci, v hlasování o zákonech, ve vyhlašování rozsudků, ve zkoumání činnosti úředníků, v odhalování jejich činnosti před celým lidem, v možnosti jejich obžaloby, odsouzení či zproštění viny“ [Constant 2006: 79 an.]. Na druhé straně je pak svoboda moderních, jejíž podstatou je poklidné užívání individuální nezávislosti. V antice byl jedinec téměř vždy suverénem ve veřejných záležitostech, zároveň byl však otrokem v soukromých vztazích. Zatímco pro staré bylo soukromé jednání podřízeno přísnému dohledu, prvotní potřebou moderních národů je nezávislost jednotlivce, a proto po nich nelze žádat, aby tuto nezávislost obětovaly politické svobodě [Constant 2006: 90].
More...
Since the Acts of the Union in 1707, Scotland has struggled to varying degrees for independence. Over the last few decades, the demand for Scottish independence grew stronger, which was epitomized in the Scottish National Party’s landslide victory in the 2011 elections to the Scottish Parliament. Once in power, the SNP, under the leadership of First Minister Alex Salmond, began to work on the fulfilment of its campaign pledge to smooth the way toward a public vote on Scottish independence (Mitchell, 2016). As a result, Scots were given the right to choose whether or not Scotland should be an independent country in the Scottish independence referendum on September 18, 2014.
More...
The paper offers a historical and textual comparative analysis of two very important documents: the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts written in 1986, and the Platform for the Solution of the National Albanian Question presented by the Albanian Academy of Sciences in 1998. On this basis, the paper inquires on the role of intellectuals as generators of national ideas, ideologies and programs. The article provides a detailed analysis of both documents and thereafter offers an analysis of the socio-political contexts, in which both texts were produced. Simultaneoulsy, the article tried to contextualise both these documents in the Serbian and Albanian nationalist discourses respectively.
More...
Rad ima za cilj da upozna studente o sistemu socijalne zaštite, ustavnom uređenju države Bosne i Hercegovine, administrativno-pravnim nadležnostima, korisnicima usluga, njihovim pravima i uslugama, s posebnim osvrtom na sistem socijalne zaštite u Kantonu Sarajevo. Poseban fokus je stavljen na funkcioniranje sistema u izvanrednim uvjetima izazvanim pandemijom COVID-19. U pripremi izlaganja za studente korišten je metod analize administrativnih podataka: evidencija, izvještaji, drugi dokumenti, normativni okvir na svim nivoima. Radi demonstracije, prezentirani su pojedini slučajevi otvoreni tokom trajanja pandemije korona virusa.
More...
Nasilje u porodici je široko rasprostranjen društveni problem koji ozbiljno pogađa sve zemlje svijeta, kako socijalno osjetljiva tako i bogata društva, neovisno o stepenu socijalne i ekonomske razvijenosti (Ajduković i Pavleković, 2004). Bosna i Hercegovina se ne razlikuje od ostatka svijeta u pogledu prisustva problema. Međutim, bitno je naglasiti da je razlika između pojedinih zemalja u nivou odgovornosti institucija sistema u vezi sa pitanjem preventivnog djelovanja i postupanja u slučajevima nasilja u porodici
More...
U skladu sa Porodičnim zakonom Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine15 supružnici koji žele pokrenuti postupak razvoda braka, a imaju zajedničku malodobnu djecu, dužni su obaviti radnju posredovanja. Posredovanje je predradnja koju je zakonodavac propisao sa ciljem da supružnici prije postupka razvoda braka razmisle o svom zahtjevu i pred stručnim osobama iznesu razloge koji su uzrokovali narušene partnerske odnose. Namjera je da se u postupku posredovanja nastoje sanirati poremećeni bračni odnosi, a kada to nije moguće, potrebno je da se supružnici dogovore o pitanjima brige i zaštite zajedničke djece, a što bi se trebao poštovati do okončanja postupka razvoda braka i donošenja sudske pravomoćne presude. Postupak posredovanja mogu obavljati centri za socijalni rad, Porodično savjetovalište Kantona Sarajevo i fizička lica koja je licenciralo Federalno ministarstvo za rad i socijalnu politiku.
More...
Djeca spadaju u najranjivije kategorije stanovništva, budući da zbog svojih psihofizičkih osobina nisu u prilici zadovoljavati potrebe samostalno. To ih u popunosti čini ovisnima o drugim odraslim osobama. Prirodno je da prve odrasle osobe koje brinu o njihovim potrebama budu roditelji, međutim, oni nekada nisu u mogućnosti, zbog određenih objektivnih ili subjektivnih razloga, preuzeti odgovornost i brigu o djeci. Zbog toga ne postoji društvo koje je oslobođeno od preuzimanja odgovornosti za djecu, kada su roditelji spriječeni da to čine. U narednom tekstu će biti riječi o zakonodavnom okviru i institucionalnim kapacitetima i drugim alternativim oblicima brige za djecu u Kantonu Sarajevo, te profesionalnoj ulozi i procedurama.
More...
Ukrašavanje izbornih listi s imenima žena prema formuli koju je pripremila Centralna izborna komisija BiH vodeći se Izbornim zakonom BiH, preraslo je u predizborni tradicionalni događaj u kojem sve političke stranke sudjeluju s nastojanjem da uspostave ravnopravan omjer žena i muškaraca na listama. U ovom tradicionalnom događaju sudjeluju i mediji koji često govore o ženama i njihovim uspjesima u balansiranju privatnog i javnog života postavljajući pitanja o „ženskim“ temama, ne vodeći računa da su sve zajedničke „ljudske“ teme zapravo i „ženske“ teme. Kampanje koje promovišu žene govore o glasanju žena za žene, nekad i o ženskoj solidarnosti a vrlo rijetko o problematici s kojom se susreću žene, što sve zajedno predstavlja odmak od rodno-osjetljivih politika i zagovaranja rodne ravnopravnosti u političkom životu. Pored toga što 40 % ne predstavlja ravnomjeran odnos, jer 40 % nije 50 %, manje zastupljen spol na koji se odnosi ova kvota po automatizmu i naslijeđenim navikama patrijarhalnog društva postaju žene. Zašto je to tako?
More...
The state social policy of the Republic of Bulgaria is aimed at satisfying the needs of all ethnic groups, based on the constitutional principle of equality of citizens. This policy is based on a package of legal and by-laws – laws, strategies and others, which are the basis of all plans and specific actions and measures affecting the population of the Republic of Bulgaria, regardless of the ethnic affiliation of every citizen of the Republic of Bulgaria.
More...
Failure to find adequate solutions for democratic development established on the basis of the market economy results primarily in economic, and based on it, other dependencies, which leads to a spiral development with negative consequences for these countries. The most recognizable are: sociopolitical dependence, economic, technical-technological and the necessity of joining one of the security alliances. Democracy and transition for these countries offer many options, and joining one of the alliances or associations is conditional in many ways. Insufficiently strong international entities are subject to various disturbances that they try to overcome independently within the framework of international relations, with the help of the international community or individual countries in the immediate and distant environment. The sublimation of historical, geographical, political, economic and securitydefense problems of underdeveloped countries clearly indicates that they are multiple dependent on international organizations and highly developed countries, but also that their power of absorption is not great when accepting some new values, so transition periods last quite a long time.
More...
American foreign policy and its approach to the world, throughout its nearly two-and-a-half centuries of existence, can be divided into periods of isolation and intervention. The period of isolation spanned from the victory in the American War of Independence against the British Empire in 1783 until the Spanish-American War in 1898, considered a pivotal point in America's foreign relations and global approach. American involvement in two world wars, followed by its position as the sole superpower in a unipolar world after the Cold War triumph over the USSR in 1991, enabled the USA to pursue an interventionist foreign policy. This policy involved active military and diplomatic interventions worldwide, often directly employing military force in places such as the former Yugoslavia (B&H and Serbia), Afghanistan, Iraq, and indirectly through proxies, leading to "proxy" wars as seen in contemporary Ukraine. In Eastern Europe, we are currently witnessing the largest military conflict on the Old Continent since the end of World War II. Given its scale, involvement of parties, weaponry used, geopolitical interests, etc., we can confidently assert that this conflict is not merely a conflict between Ukraine and Russia, but rather between Russia and the West or Russia and the American concept of interventionism, i.e. the American hegemony in international relations.
More...
