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The author presents a document from the Romanian Military Archives initially issued by the specialized services of counter-information in 1920. The above-mentioned material contains information about the the sepionnage activity led by Soviet militaiy service at a moment when the Soviet power was strugling to survive and impose its authority over the whole teritory of the former Russia. The Civil War and the war with Poland increased the danger, to Soviet eyes, that Romania could join other countries in their intervention against the Moscow government. This and the endless dispute over Bessarabia transformed the Eastern border of Romania in an area where spies were everywhere.
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The documents presented show the reality of Communist Romania in the context of World University Winter Games in Poiana Brașov (at the time called Stalin). The official propaganda presented the games as a display of the growing force of “democrat” students within the peace movement. Due to the severe limitations imposed by the International Students Association, a quasi-Communist organization, the atmosphere was very tense and glacial.
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Only one year after his visit to Moscow and in a delicate moment to his political career, President Nixon invited the leader from Kremlin to the White House. Althought this represented the climax of detente, the American Administration has been mislead by the Soviet policy. While USSR’s targets were the recognition of its power and the maintaining of the European statu-quo, the American agenda was to get the Soviets out from the Midile East and finding appropriate solutions at the German problem in exchange of SALT and economical cooperation.
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The changes having occurred in Moscow after Stalin’s death prompted the communist leaders in Bucharest to take a number of measures much like those in the Soviet Union. Relaxing the repression, the Dej regime stopped the work on the Danube-Black Sea Canal and a first batch of political prisoners were set free based on a March 11, 1954 decision of the Council of Ministers. The document reproduced here comprises three annexes to Decision no. 1199 of June 25, 1955 issued by the Council of Ministers to pardon the first major batch of political detainees, dignitaries of the former regime who were to be released from the Sighet Penitentiary.
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The documents continue the series of historical accounts of the final stage of collectivisation of agriculture between 1958 and 1962. The abuses are objectively reflected by documents from all the regions: Moldavia, Oltenia and Transylvania. In 1956, the search and sequestration policy was extended throughout the country.
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Late in 1962, the US Administration revised its plans for the East-European countries. Going from reserve to stagnation, they envisaged “much more normal and active relations with the governments of East-European countries.” With all the impediments arising from the nature of the political regimes, coordination of the cooperation plans was not impossible. The two documents reveal that the Americans were interested in the states in the Soviet sphere of influence. Even if at first there was no hint a change of political regime would be encouraged, such a turn was not out of the question. However, the events of 1961-1962 convinced the US that such an approach of the relations with the socialist states could only be counterproductive.
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In the early 1980s, Dorin Tudoran joined the few voices that publicly contested the regime. Tudoran spoke out about problems related to culture and literature, but also about proven plagiarism cases involving well-known figures of the literary world. His daring attitude was not without consequences. Harassed by the communist authorities, Tudoran applied in the spring of 1984 for permission to emigrate. On July 25, 1985, after years of persecution, Tudoran managed to leave the country.
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This article belongs with the set of documents originating in the archives of Radio Free Europe and currently in the custody of the Open Society Archives in Budapest. This time the documentalists from the Munich-based radio station focus exclusively on the possible successors in the leadership in Eastern Europe. Brief biographies of second rank leaders from the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Eastern Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Yugoslavia are available.
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On May 19, 1965 Nicolae Ceausescu, recently appointed First secretary of the party, was meeting with representatives of the literary and arts world, to tell them how he anticipated the development of art and culture. Without making any direct reference to the Dej epoch, Ceausescu hinted that he would maintain the liberal trend that had prevailed in the field of culture until he had come to power. Moreover, he proved willing to broaden the limits imposed in this sector. The concessions he announced could create the impression the regime was condoning a freedom of speech no one had hoped for before, yet the Communist leader made a point of what the party meant and how it expected the new line to be applied. The party’s offer - limited freedom of artistic creation - was sanctioned into an official directive on the occasion of the 4th Congress of the RWP (9th of the RCP).
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The documents continue the series of historical accounts of the final stage of collectivisation of agriculture between 1958 and 1962. The abuses are objectively reflected by documents from all the regions: Moldavia, Oltenia and Transylvania. In 1956, the search and sequestration policy was extended throughout the country.
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The desovietization process that started in the early ‘60s and the assertion of an independent attitude versus the Soviet Union were a fact. On September 15, 1963, the Maxim Gorki Russian-Language Institute, a Russophilie body, was dissolved, actually being included in the Institute of Foreign Languages and Literatures attached to Bucharest University. The agenda of the Political Bureau of the CC of the RWP at the end of August - beginning of September 1963 included certain organizational changes in the study of foreign languages at university level, such as abolishing the obligation of learning Russian, as of academic year 1963-1964.
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This article belongs with the set of documents addressing the first years of the regime headed by Nicolae Ceausescu, originating in the archives of Radio Free Europe and currently in the custody of the Open Society Archives in Budapest. This time the documentalists from the Munich-based radio station focus exclusively on the evolution of relations between Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s successors in the party and state leadership. The text contains brief biographies of those who were identified as the chief communist leaders of Romania, as well as a membership list of the first Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party elected in July 1965, after the death of Gheorghiu-Dej.
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The authors present a document secretly carried out and sent for broadcasting to the Free Europe radio station in mid-’80s, pointing out the abuses committed by the communist authorities against the old architecture of Bucharest.
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The difficulties that confronted Romania in 1953 (because of an erroneous industrial and agrarian policy, of excessive imports of military equipment, costly investment projects above the country’s economic possibilities, such as the Danube-Black Sea Canal) determined the Romanian government to ask the Soviets for a loan of about 400 million rubles. Vasile Buga published documents that rendered the talks and the atmosphere at the meeting between the two party and state leaderships. The topics debated suggest that the Soviets had kept abreast of economic and social developments in Romania, as well as of many other problems such as the preparations and the progress of the Pătrășcanu trial. The Kremlin leaders tacitly accepted the measures taken by the Romanian leaders, allowing the latter to decide on the final verdict, which proved a crime since even the Soviets had begun reviewing certain Stalinist trials involving communist activists.
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After March 6, 1945, Sovietization spread from the socio-political and economic sector to the cultural one as well. The newly created institutional framework included: the Romanian Association for Closer Ties with the Soviet Union (ARLUS), the “Russian Book” publishing house and bookstore (1946), the Institute of Romanian-Soviet Studies (1947), the Romanian-Russian Museum (1948) and the “Maxim Gorki” Russian Language Institute (1948). In the early seventh decade, a distancing from the Soviet Union determined a review of the relations with the big neighbour in the East. The text reproduces two documents about the desovietization process in Romania. Interesting aspects are revealed about the closing of two institutions that had played a major role in the Sovietization of Romanian culture. The formula the communist elite adopted was very artful, i.e. it specified not the uselessness of certain bodies but the overlapping of their activity with that of other similar institutions.
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In June 1963, Bucharest hosted Khrushchev’s last Romanian-Soviet summit. Tenser Romanian-Soviet relations and the growing crisis in the international communist movement provided the background for the talks which addressed issues ranging from economic integration within COMECON, through the situation related to the Iron Gates hydroelectric station, the issue of the Soviet agents, to the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and the relations with China and Yugoslavia.
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In the early 60s Romanian-Soviet relations entered a new stage, when the Romanian communists refused to accept subordination to the Soviets. In September 1965 the new Bucharest team traveled to Moscow, on a so-called confirmation visit, with an agenda that caused bewilderment and even irritation with the Soviets. The Romanian delegation mainly asked for clarification of certain political and economic issues (returning of Romania’s treasury and the party archives, the relations within the Warsaw Treaty, etc.). As the visit drew to an end, the Soviet leadership promised that the “subjectivism” of the Khrushchev era would be dumped as far as bilateral relations were concerned. But Bucharest wanted firm Soviet guarantees that equality relations would be maintained in the spirit of the April 1964 Declaration.
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When Ceaușescu came to power, the Romanian communist regime’s distancing from the “big brother” in the East- a move initiated in the early 60s by the then first secretary of the communist party, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej - became increasingly obvious, at least at a declarative level. The new leader in Romania was careful enough to gradually dissociate from everything that could have identified him with the old party, which Romanian public opinion perceived exclusively as an offshoot of the Soviet authorities. Aware of its chronic lack of legitimacy, the socialist regime began playing more and more insistently on the national sentiment of the population, hoping for reconciliation with the society. Nothing could be more popular in the time’s Romania than anti-Soviet rhetoric. This did not go unnoticed abroad either, as attested also by the two analyses presented in this issue of Totalitarianism Archives, made by J.F. Brown and A. Ross Johnson from Radio Free Europe Research, the documentation section of Radio Free Europe. The texts in this issue come from the Open Society Archives in Budapest.
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