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After the death of Stalin appeared question administration his legacy, of vision about economy. Neither Romanian communist leaders don’t elusive this pressure. The document present discussions among Gheorghiu-Dej and local chiefs of department of cooperatist system. Gheorghiu-Dej criticize deficiencies of state-planned economy in a non-dogmatic style, at the moment when the communist leadership was focused on ensuring popular support for the government and to avoiding any sort of contestation.
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These documents present the journey of Marin Preda, a famous Romanian writer, and his wife in the early 60s to the Soviet Union. The authors of the above-mentioned documents remained anonymous and, in fact, they were spying the activities of Preda’s family during the visit. The Romanian Writers’ Association considered necessary to confront Marin Preda to his surveyor’s report.
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Following the Bucharest meeting of the representatives of communist and workers’ parties, occasioned by the Third Congress of the P.M.R. on June 20-25, 1960, the Soviet-Chinese disagreements grew worse. In order to understand each party’s position and to reach a common denominator, Soviet-Chinese bilateral talks were held in Moscow on September 17-22. This article focuses on Gheorghiu-Dej’s report on the results of the 81 communist parties’ conference in Moscow in November 1960. Presented within the P.M.R. Central Committee’s session on December 19-20, 1960, the speech is revealing for the way in which the P.M.R. leadership regarded the evolution of the Soviet-Chinese conflict at that time.
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Nikita Khruschev used the opportunity offered by the Third Congress of the P.M.R., which took place in Bucharest on June 20-25, to call a meeting of the socialist countries (most of them on the Soviet side): the purpose was to anathematize the Chinese position. The analysis of those debates and the position of the P.M.R. on the issue of the Soviet-Chinese disagreements became a separate issue in the Plenum of the P.M.R. Central Committee on August 1, 1960; the short hand of that meeting is given in this issue of our magazine
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This document attempts to reconstruct the structure of the Communist Party of Romania (P.C.R.) leadership between the wars and during World War 11. Personal quarrels, suspicion, fear of the state Security, contradictory ideological opinions, and, last but not least, the lack of funds (mostly supplied by the Comintern) made it necessary to change leaders frequently.
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This material includes information from the Police General Directorate regarding “the basic rules of conspiracy,” for the P.C.R. members, approximately dated 1930.
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While the official propaganda showed the “historical success” of the Romanian people under the leadership of the Romanian Workers’ Party, the mass support of the “entire nation” for the party policy, the real situation was much more complex and the opposition against the “Stalinization” of Romania was manifest in all social layers. This fact was described by the Minister of the Interior, Teohari Georgescu, in a meeting with the instructors of the Romanian Workers’ Party Central Committee, which took place on March 11, 1948.
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Specific data showing the way communist justice applied repression to support the regime in achieving the collectivization of agriculture.
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This is a table developed in 1971, showing the numeric evolution and the social and ethnic composition of the P.C.R. in 1945-1970..
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Dintr-un dosar de anchetă penală cuprinzând zeci de mii de file am extras un eșantion de opt documente.
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The 1975 debates at the Writers’ Union, during the years of Ceaușescu’s Chinese-inspired cultural revolution, prove the involvement of the Romanian Communist Party leadership in the process to ideologize the Romanian culture from the perspective of revolutionary passion. The Writers’ Union later monopolized all Iiterary publications: it supported them financially and it provided ideological guidance to them.
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The Horia, Cloșca and Crișan division was formed on April 12, 1945 of Romanian prisoners on the territory of the Soviet Union. With the Tudor Vladimirescu division, it had the mission to support the government and political regime established by the Soviets on March 6, 1945. From there, much personnel was recruited for the future political propaganda structure of the army.
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In many European countries, Latvia included, 1940 was a tragic year. Latvia’s Parliament consecrated on July 21 the “union” with the USSR, according to the already famous Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact. This group of documents includes texts of the talks between the representatives of Latvia and Romania from June 21 through July 23, 1940 in connection with the intentions of Germany and the Soviet Union regarding the two nations.
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Established on January 14, 1950 through the promulgation of a decree issued by the Presidium of the Great National Assembly, these units were fed with people considered dangerous for the people’s regime. We continue to publish the lists of individuals sent to labor camps in September-October 1951.
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This group of documents shows that the Iron Guard ideology has several distinct features as compared to other European extreme right currents. Considered in many books as a movement without a doctrine, the Iron Guard acted, however, on the basis of certain principles of doctrine, which can be analyzed from the rich propaganda material it left behind.
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After June 28, 1940, when the occupation of Bessarabia began, the repression of the Soviet troops against the Romanian inhabitants also started; those who had represented the Romanian state in Bessarabia were turned in. We continue with documents from the Chilia county, issued after this region was re-conquered by the Romanian troops.
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loan Șerban was sentenced to death and executed according to a sentence of June 1958 passed by the Military Court of the Bucharest Second Military Region. It also sentenced loan Voican to penal servitude for life. All this happened because Șerban spoke out complaining he could not find a job and asked why there was no icon for children to pray to near the seven portraits of the Romanian Communist Party leaders. The documents we publish are relevant for the way the communist activists interpreted various situations ideologically.
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The series about the secret organization called Avram Iancu’s Warriors-The Division of the Black Tunics continues with documents proving the organization included more personalities than anyone had thought, as well as officers of the Gendermerie. From January 1946, the Special Intelligence Service intensified its efforts to infiltrate its own informers into this organization.
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The labour units in Romania were established on January 14, 1950 and replaced on August 22, 1952 with labour colonies. These were detention centres for those who, “through their deeds and acts have directly or indirectly jeopardized or attempted to put in jeopardy the people’s regime, have made difficult or attempted to make difficult the building of socialism in the R.P.R. (The People’s Republic of Romania), have defamed the organs of the state power...” In this issue we publish six decisions by the Ministry of Domestic Affairs to detain political prisoners in labour units from July 31 to September 26, 1951.
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