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In 2009 election manifesto Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leaders voiced their decisive support for stronger engagement in international climate negotiations. The promises were realized by an ambitious climate mitigation proposal presented by Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio at COP 15 in Copenhagen. 25% CO2 levels reduction commitment was heavily criticized by Japanese opposition, METI bureaucrats and business circles. Despite strong domestic opposition Prime Minister Hatoyama decided to place climate mitigation among priorities of his foreign policy. Next DPJ administration quickly backtracked from the position of climate leader. The head of the Japanese delegation at COP 16 in Mexico stated that Japan would not be a part of new Kyoto Protocol commitment period. The aim of the article is to identify changing factors in decision–making process that led to quick change in DPJ’s approach to international climate mitigation efforts.
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The compilation of papers strives to offer the reader a point of view, stepping on the solid ground of comparative analysis of the various aspect of power and authority toward building a sustainable change of policies in integrating society. The selected papers thus represent corrective actions in strategic visions and sustainability recommendations. A comprehensive overview of the ideas and ideologies in historical context and functioning practices with global, national and regional impact are carefully studied, revealing their paradoxes and application weaknesses.
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The general task of the project ‘Russia’s (Dis)Information Activities Against the Nordic-Baltic Region’ is to provide an assessment of Russia’s influence on the information environment of the Nordic-Baltic countries (NB8). An analysis of the information environment requires a comprehensive understanding of the major elements of Russia’s grand strategy and their impact on the region, because the information environment reflects all major spheres of interaction between the NB8 countries and Russia. For the purpose of this study, the grand strategy is defined as the integrated use of all military and non-military means to pursue the interests of the state in the international system.4 What are Russia’s interests, and what implications do they have for the NB8 region in general—and for its information environment in particular? How do these interests translate into narratives promoted by Russia? To answer these questions, an analysis of the following documents has been conducted: Russia’s Concept of Foreign Policy (2016), Russia’s Military Doctrine (2014), Russia’s National Security Strategy (2015), and Russia’s Information Security Doctrine (2016). To understand the meaning of the documents, they are viewed in the context of actual events, research data, and the rhetoric of Russia’s top officials. The study is structured around four dimensions of analysis: political, military, economic, and informational. These dimensions cover all major power instruments that states use to advance their national interests. The political dimension includes such areas of influence as diplomacy, geopolitics, and involvement in the domestic policies of foreign states.
More...Egy elfeledett közgazdász
Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.
More...Georgi Dimitrov
Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.
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Artykuł naświetla zmieniające się w zależności od aktualnych potrzeb i gromadzonych doświadczeń rozwiązania dotyczące prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej. Jest próbą ich oceny oraz bilansu polskiej prezydencji.
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Poslednjih nekoliko godina, nakon nasilnog gušenja građanskih protesta zbog izbornih nepravilnosti (2011) i u obnovljenom predsedničkom mandatu Vladimira Putina (2012), Rusija je otvorenije nego do tada krenula u spoljnu ekspanziju. Nakon već ranije izvršene agresije na Gruziju (2008), sledio je oružani napad na suverenu Ukrajinu, potom i intervencija u Siriji. Slabo delotvorne zapadne sankcije zbog agresivnog rata protiv južnog suseda, čiju je nepovredivost granica i sama Rusija garantovala međunarodnim sporazumom iz Budimpešte (1994) i aneksija Krima (2014), kao dela međunarodno priznate teritorije Ukrajine, ojačale su hladnoratovske tendencije u svetu, a posebno u Evropi. Srbija se zbog svoje spoljnopolitičke dezorjentacije našla u središtu političkog disputa između nesigurnog zapadnog sveta i imperijalne autokratije Vladimira Putina. Ruska „meka moć” i pokušaji da destabilizuje Srbiju i odvrati je od nevoljno prihvaćene evropske agende ogledali su se i u činjenici da je Rusija uložila puno truda i materijalnih resursa u pokretanje desetina medija, portala, fondacija, udruženja građana i nevladinih organizacija sa ciljem jačanja antizapadnog raspoloženja u Srbiji i snaženja nacionalističkih, ksenofobičnih i proruskih tendencija. [...]
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Biurokracja europejska i ekspansja regulacji europejskich jest uważana za jedną z głównych przyczyn narastającej fali eurosceptycyzmu. W odpowiedzi na te wyzwania Komisja Europejska zapoczątkowała wiele działań, m.in. Program sprawności i wydajności regulacyjnej REFIT (Regulatory Fitness and Performance Programme) i Program inteligentnej regulacji (Smart Regulation). W programie REFIT Komisja podjęła zobowiązanie do tworzenia prostych, jasnych i przewidywalnych ram regulacyjnych dla biznesu, pracowników i obywateli. Ma to być osiągnięte poprzez: ograniczenie biurokracji, usuwanie zbędnych obciążeń administracyjnych, uproszczenie i poprawę projektowania i jakości ustawodawstwa, tak aby cele polityczne i korzyści dla Unii Europejskiej były osiągane po najniższym koszcie i z minimalnym obciążeniem administracyjnym, z poszanowaniem zasad traktatowych, a w szczególności pomocniczości i proporcjonalności. Program REFIT zakłada dokonywanie przeglądu całości ustawodawstwa unijnego w sposób systematyczny i postępujący w celu identyfikacji obciążeń, niespójności, nieefektywnych środków oraz w razie potrzeby podjęcia odpowiednich korekt. Autorzy opisują i oceniają tego rodzaju inicjatywy i przedsięwzięcia.
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The aim of the article is to present the major armed conflicts – the wars in threeMiddle East countries: Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. The selection criteria includenot only geographic factors, but also the nature of the conflicts, i.e. they are allcivil wars and have become internationalized as a result of involvement of externalpowers, i.e. the military forces of several countries. In Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan the enemy has been the so called Islamic State; in Syria it was the main enemy. Thethree countries were the most impacted by terrorism.
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The article aims to analyze the region of Eastern Europe and South Caucasusfrom the perspective of the EU Eastern Partnership programme. Ten years afterits initiation, the region remains unstable both politically and militarily. It is stillstruggling with post-Soviet heritage, such as corruption and authoritarian tendencies.While some countries (Armenia) try to counter these challenges, in others (Moldova)there was a significant deterioration of democratic standards. Such a situationseems to indicate the weakness of the EU’s policy mechanisms towards its Easternneighbourhood.According to the EaP assumptions, the cooperation with the countries of theregion is conducted on the case by case basis. This results in the separation of theEastern neighbours of the EU into two subgroups: the first one is made up of Ukraine,Moldova, and Georgia, which in 2014–2017 concluded association agreements withthe EU, providing for the creation of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas,and were offered a visa-free regime; the second one gathers Belarus, Armenia, andAzerbaijan, with which cooperation is more limited.Russia’s policy remains a key challenge both for the countries of the region and theEU. The Russian Federation is striving both to increase its influence in the countriesof Eastern Europe and South Caucasus, and to limit their cooperation with the EU.An important instrument, though not the only one, of the expansive Russian policyin the region are the frozen conflicts affecting Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia,and Azerbaijan. In the case of Belarus, progressive integration of this country withRussia should not be excluded.
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The chapter presents an analysis of theRomanian social house in an European context.
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The author analyzes the China-US trade war in the case of Huawei by giving the Huawei company description, the history of conflict, the characteristics of the trade war image in Chinese media.
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The objective of the research is to present the importance of the gas infrastructure of Romania for the energy security of the Balkans. The research methods used in the study involve elements of retrospective analysis, content analysis, table presentation and generalization of the main ideas of key strategic and regulatory documents on the topic. This is a conceptual study and a posteriori research approach has been followed for its development. The thesis of the paper is that Romania is a key player for the Balkan countries and the wider EU region gas security. Romania possesses a high capacity of installed and functioning powers for transition, generation and storage of natural gas, which is the main factor for its important role in the Balkan region and the EU energy security. The results of the research represent generalizations and analyses of the role and importance of the Romanian gas infrastructure for the region. The research results provide ground for evidence-based recommendations and decisions on the future policy measures in the gas energy sector and their implementation
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Până la formarea Republicii Moldova, Basarabia nu a fost niciodată un stat independent, deci un subiect valid pe eşichierul relaţiilor internaţionale europene. De fapt, Basarabia a fost permanent un obiect al intereselor geopolitice, care au depăşit cu mult interesele populaţiei locale. Aceste interferenţe geopolitice au avut un rol important în modelarea identităţii culturale a locuitorilor Basarabiei, aflaţi într‑o zonă de interferenţe culturale multiple. Faptul acesta a reprezentat, pe de‑o parte, un beneficiu, însă, pe de altă parte, a fost şi o sursă de confuzie în ceea ce priveşte construirea unei identităţi coerente şi bine structurate.
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The transcripts from Sarajevan State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina session witness the dedication of its councilors towards the present. This implicates an intense connection of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the Yugoslavian geopolitical imaginary (B&H as a homeland within a homeland). At the same time, it develops a discourse – an indisputable one – of a unified Bosnia as a political community being built as a state. The third ZAVNOBiH session, unfortunately, did not develop enough strength to deepen and pull the true levers of the state citizenship imagined within the earlier grand freedom charter from Sanski Most. However, the epochal success of the Sarajevo session lies in its development of a territorial identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a socially, economically and culturally conscious space. This success is an epochal success – especially when compared with B&H’s current arrested development. Today, this country is left without its unified space, reduced to a mere territorial sum. It is also deprived of its unique trinational togetherness, reduced to a nationalistic negation of the ZAVNOBIH itself, a translation of the “3 in 1” formula into a “big, acephalous nothing”. The fact that the third ZAVNOBIH session was held in Sarajevo witnesses the building of Bosnia from the state of war to the state of peace as a political community – from the periphery of a just war (Bosnian Krajina) towards the center (Sarajevo), which used to be an extremely important symbolic and political message about its core state community. This community grew as a natural, decentralized entity, but with a clear, leading, all encompassing topos from a place (that is not Belgrade, nor Zagreb) where its unique plural identity is forged. Our only option is to proceed with forging.
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The periods of deep political and social quakes always bring reconsideration and rearrangement of the events that happened in the past. Disappearance of ideological paradigm, changes in global politics and epochal consciousness affected the return of the pre-socialist past, its romantization and idealization, as well as revisionist change of social determinants that were used for historical interpretations in post-socialist countries with the intense action of politics, nationalism and history in their historiographies. Even the bigger historiographies like Russian, are not immune from political pressure in relation to its own history, and histories of other countries and nations. There are many differences between the Soviet and the modern Russian historiography, as well as their forms. Due to the wish to control history, the international and class principle gave its place to the more active, national one, with the renewal of its identity that is clean from communist influence. Interests and politics of superpowers leave a huge mark in the history of the Balkan nations. Political disputes and positioning affect the historiographies and they play a big role in determining the topics that need to be researched. Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the emergence of new post-Yugoslav states on the European political map worsened the efforts of Russian historians in analyzing and researching their past and modernity. The increase of Russian interest in researching the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina is related to the political crises and conflicts in that area and wider Balkan context. Their attention is mostly focused on the Eastern Crisis (1875–1878.) and the Bosnian / Annexation crisis (1908–1909), dissolution of the SFRY and the “post-Yugoslav” wars. They also do research about the events that occured in this area in the last decade of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century.
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