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Over the last 15 years the political leadership of Turkey conducts a course of modernization of the country. Basically, this course reinforces the previous model of modernization and development of the Ottoman Empire and therefore it is called Neo-Ottomanism. The author reveals the peculiarities of the process of implementation of this model in modern Turkey and points to trends such as the strengthening of centralism and authoritarianism within the system of state power, secularisation of social life and expansionism in foreign policy. Paying special attention to the final thesis, the author tries to show the predominantly extroverted character of the Turkish model of modernization based on mobilization of the resource base of countries and regions that were once part of the Ottoman Empire. To this end, Turkey takes an aggressive foreign policy that includes direct support for international terrorism. Thus, the author seeks to actualize the potential risks and dangers that the policy of uncontrolled growth of pro-Turkish influence might bring to the countries of the Balkans, the Caucasus, the Middle East and Central Asian regions.
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Throughout the past decade the policy of the European Union (EU) towards its eastern neighbours has avoided focusing on security issues. However, the Ukraine crisis had had a deep impact on the EU’s foreign policy and its approach towards post-Soviet space. It has highlighted that the EU’s eastern neighbourhood is characterised by intense geopolitical competition with Russia. The crisis also underscored the weakness of the EU’s low politics approach towards the post-Soviet space and Russia. On the other hand, Russia’s actions in Ukraine have made the member states more willing to act together and recognise Russia as a security threat. In this context, the article argues that while the EU has not always viewed its relations with Russia and the post-Soviet space in traditional geopolitical terms, the shape of the regional geopolitical structure has always influenced its policy towards the region. Moreover, the article shows how the EU has gradually embraced geopolitical competition for influence in the post-Soviet space with Russia and even confrontation with Moscow.
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This project reflects on the ambivalence of the EU member states in their relationships with the new institutional arm of European diplomacy – the European External Action Service, headed by the High Representative. While trapped in rhetorical support for stronger and better-coordinated EU foreign policy, the member states show little willingness to equip the newcomer with political mandate and room for action, and provide a case in point for the post- Maastricht integration paradox. The main aim of this paper is to shed light on the reasons for this paradoxical behaviour. Taking into consideration the timeline 2009−2014, the article looks at patterns and dynamics of the mutual cooperation between the EEAS selected member states (Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom).
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The article deals with the approaches to understanding the concept of‘competition’. There are three approaches to understanding the concept: as a competition in the market, as a behavioral element of the market mechanism and as a market mechanism criterion to resist monopolization. Conditions for the existence of competition are also considered. The first condition for the competition to emerge is a presence of a great number of items of any particular product or resource in the market. The second condition for the emergence of competition is freedom of choice of producers’ economic activities. The third condition for the competition to emerge is correspondence between what determines the demand and what determines the supply. The forth condition for the emergence of competition is the presence of the market of means of production. The essence of the competition in the political field is analyzed as well. Specific conditions for the political competition in modern Russia are distinguished and common features of the political competition in subjects of the Russian Federation are also determined. An example of the conditions and essence of the political competition in Yaroslavl is considered in detail. Changes of the area of political competition for the last four years of the Russian Federation are also considered.
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Neoconservative political ideology has influenced U.S. foreign and defense policy in various ways. During President G. W. Bush‘s first administration, addressed here, neoconservatives embedded in the Administration exercised a key influence on the President and his foreign policy decisions. Since the President is the key foreign and defense policy decision maker in the U.S.A., the influence of the neoconservatives in this field was very significant. To support the main thesis of the paper, an analysis of the content of neoconservative policy papers was made, and statements representing policy goals of neoconservatives were identified. It was concluded that the foreign and defense policy of the Bush administration was influenced by neoconservative political ideology, but the neoconservatives and hard-line realists who actively participated in decision-making processes diverged significantly from the political philosophy and advice of the‗original‘ neoconservatives. They used elements of neoconservative ideology, considered useful for implication of their policy, particularly towards the Middle East and especially towards Iraq. Therefore, the practical (geo)political reasoning of the decision-makers within the Administration clouded the declared theoretical base of their policy as well as the neoconservative values they claimed to support.
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Robert Kaplan is the one from the most famous on whole world american analysts of international relations. He links the experience 25 years of trip throught deepest corner of world and work as the columnist also as war's correspondent. He advised many time american administration -therefore he connct in his thought practise and theory. The certain author's main is period of hesitancy (tuebulency), fears, and also threats which came after cold war- and these disorders of international order can cause the anarchsation of its in the future- which already could notice. International order is full of disarrays, in which safety is only fragile and faint moment, wchich one should fight it to share it for longer time.
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Present terrorostic organizations base its activity for more often on Leaderless Resistance. It in this strategy does not exist disposable organizational central and organisational section are loose connected system with full autonomy, in rage of planning and so exexuting. Such structure assures the terroristic web large elasticity and resistance from state blow. In proposal version by Beam, organizational system is based on cellular structure, but there is no central control or management: all individuals and sections operate seperatley between one's, and never answer to head office or individual leader for instructions or orders. The web as organizational structure is elastic, adapts easily to chances in surrounding. Thanks to it is resistant on blows. The central point base on distant structure decentralization, in this way, that manifests not only in independent sections but also in their specialisation.
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The geopolitics is a field of science that explores various internal and external fac-tors of the country. Those aspect are economy, politics, social relations, resources, religious di-vision, natural disasters etc. Nigeria is a rich country in natural resources, growing in economic terms, which makes that country attractive for foreign direct investment (FDI). However, geo-political threats such as terrorism and lack of education among young people completely de-stabilizes the state. The main goal of this article is to explain the impact of geopolitics on FDI in Nigeria and the state development. The OLI and CAGE framework present the geopolitical threats affecting the internal chaos of Nigeria and FDI.
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Kenneth Waltz, helped by David Singer, introduced the concept of levels of analysis, to explain international events, such as the war, from different points of view. In our presentation we are planning to follow the path started by Kenneth Waltz – which seeks to locate the source of the explanation of an event, phenomenon, process – and to analyse the possible causes of the outbreak of the ongoing war in Ukraine.
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After Putin came to power, the hybrid war against Ukraine acquired a pronounced existential character, as the Ukrainian people demonstrated independence in making political decisions, in spite of all forces and means imposed by the totalitarian Russian "brotherhood". In 2014, as a result of the occupation of Crimea and certain territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, hybrid aggression against Ukraine was usually considered in the concepts of the gray zone conflict. Taking into account the conventional nature of the actions of the russian authorities in the East of Ukraine, the authors of the article operate with the concept of "gray war" and the artificially created real and conditional "gray zone" in the Donbass as an instrument of a hybrid war against the whole Ukraine. Using the factor of quarantine measures in connection with the Covid-19 Pandemic, the temporarily occupied territories were purposefully isolated (physically and mentally) from free Ukraine, which made it possible to prepare the “gray zone” with impunity as a springboard and pretext for a large-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The practices, methods and tools that the russian occupation authorities use in the Ukrainian territories occupied after February 24: forced passportization, russification, preparations for holding "referendums" were tested in the "gray zone", which actualizes the study of the processes that took place there in general, and just before the outbreak of a large-scale war, in order to learn lessons and counter them.
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The paper analyses the results of the negotiations between Belgrade and Priština that have been mediated by the EU in recent years pointing to the agreement which was signed in Brussels in April 2013. Bearing in mind the fact that in the 2006-2007 period the Ahtisaari Plan was rejected by Serbia with the help of Russia above all, one can wonder why this agreement has been accepted at this moment since it is not substantially different from the Ahtisaari Plan. This is even more unusual since it has just been in the period since 2007 that some very serious changes in the balance of power have occurred to disadvantage of the promoters of Kosovo’s independence. The USA, as the main promoter of Kosovo’s independence, is still the leading world power but within an increasingly multipolar world order where also exist in parallel some other world powers such as BRIC countries which do not support Kosovo’s independence. The official Belgrade or actually the current and previous Serbia’s government, has made such a big national concession mostly as the result of the ideology of EU integration under very uncertain and aggravated conditions the Union and „Serbia’s EU path“ are facing. For this reason, the author is of the opinion that such a risky undertaking, which is at the same opposite to the current Constitution of Serbia, for which it has not received mandate from the people, should be verified by citizens who would express their will in a democratic way. Citizens should be adequately informed with all the circumstances related to the Brussels Agreement and they should express their will referendum that would be organised in accordance with democratic norms.
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This article attempts to critically analyze the postcolonial aspects of the concept of the Other/Alien from the Polish point of view in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. In the (sub)consciousness of Polish elites, (geo)political discourse acts as a link between ‘postcolonial aspects’ and the war context. The author considers as postcolonial aspects those features of the Polish public debate that go hand in hand with resentment thinking. Although the inherent descriptive parameter of resentment consciousness is considered to be the binary category of Other/Alien, in the case of the Polish self-perception system it is more appropriate to speak of a trinary relational system (Poland — West — East). The entanglement of the Polish habitus in a trinary relation is not conducive to the process of status positioning in the world.
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Nowadays more than 3,600 ethnic groups around the world seek to obtain a high degree of autonomy or to separate from the countries in which they are currently situated. The subject of analysis in this paper covers various similarities and differences between separatist terrorism in Northern Ireland and Spain. The paper aims to examine to what extent the assumptions about uniformity or dissimilarity of separatist terrorism in Europe are founded, especially in Northern Ireland and Spain as the countries where separatist terrorism persists for the longest period of time and where there are serious social and political problems. Using the content analysis and historically comparative methods, the paper determines that there is a series of similarities, but also differences between the separatist terrorism in Northern Ireland and Spain, whose main representatives are the IRA and ETA. Special focus is on those dimensions of separatist terrorism in these areas that turn them into a wider security challenge. The author concludes that, based on the use of adequate methods, as well as review of recent materials, the separatist terrorism in Spain and in Great Britain pose serious security challenge for these countries and Europe as a whole, not only in terms of current or increased danger of terrorism, but also because of the possibility of regional conflicts, especially in Spain. Therefore, no matter what differences there are between phenomenal forms of separatist terrorism in Spain and Great Britain, they have enough similar characteristics, and based on those the common European solution can be found for combating them.
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Article is deep analysis of situation, which is taking place in the west Africa, on example of Burkina Faso. Author outlined the background of situation based on geographical and political conditions. It is shown how coups has affected on Burkina Faso and what caused them. There are described relations between Burkina Faso, France and Russia. It is reveled and explained why Burkina turned to Russia, and consequences about that. The problem of jihadists attacks like: the siege of Djibo or attacks on Burkina’s capital Ouagadougou, why islamists were attracted to Burkina Faso, and results of these attacks were covered by the analysis. Article concludes with analyze of actual situation in this country and supposition what is going to happen in the future.
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