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The study »Praxis as the experiment of human liberty« (as an enclosure to the philosophy of politics and to the philosophy of praxis as the philosophy of freedom) begins with the analysis of »Vita activa oder Vom tätigen Leben« by H. Arendt. The author of the study wants, by means of Hegel’s political philosophy and Marx's conception of history, to determine praxis as a unique sensible — spiritual activity and self-activity of people.
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Ibn Khaldun, who critically evaluates the built-in understanding of history, establishes a discipline named Ilm-i Umran. He demonstrates a clear attitude, in his assessments of the importance of revealing the authenticity of historical information (narrative), about the possibility, nature and necessity of evaluating the narrative with objective criteria. Ibn Khaldun creates a concept in terms of separating his own understanding of history from traditional custom: Tamhis-u’l Habar. He completes this with a critical attitude, that is, intikad (critique). According to Ibn Khaldun, who cares about the distinction between history and fairy tale, first historical information and then the transmitters (personality criticism) should be examined. According to him, this is the only criterion that will enable the transmit of knowledge of what happened through a true knowledge. Ibn Khaldun adds the analysis of power and sovereignty to the historical information (narrative) criticism, which spread throughout his work and points out that the narrative is diverted by motives such as slander, interest seeking, and that false information is intentionally produced. In this study, we discuss the possibility of adaptation of Ibn Khaldun’s methodology in sociological interpretation of the media’s function of directing people and shaping news. Thus, in this text, which we try to establish a system of interpretation focusing on the method of Ibn Khaldun, considering the influence of the media’s struggle for power and sovereignty (in the perception-reality dialect), the relation between narration and pure truth is basically questioned.
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The purpose of the article. To find out the role of the museum in the negative discourse of modernization. Methodology. Deductive logic when checking out the premises, which lay on the basis conclusion, that the concept of modernization denotes negative social phenomena. Scientific novelty. It has been found out that the discourse of negative modernization includes the substitution of concepts: the notion of modernization is marked by pseudo-modernization processes. Within this discourse, the museum itself appears as an object of pseudo-modernization. Conclusions. The concept of «modernization» is ambiguous. On the one hand, modernization refers to utopian social projects of rebuilding of the entire society (the largest among them was the Soviet one). Thus, in practice, we have seeing fragmentary reorganization with unexpected negative consequences, in particular, with trends towards degradation. All this, in fact, is pseudo-modernization. The concept of «modernization» also refers to a gradual move forward based on trials and errors when innovations undergo comprehensive testing and verification, while traditionalist tendencies are also strong. In this case, true modernization is the evolutionary development of civilization, when modern project don’t build in empty place, but creatively re-think and improve the historical and cultural achievements. It is unacceptable to combine utopian and piecemeal engineering (Popper's terminology) in one concept. Transformation museums into a hub, coworking, etc. is example of utopian engineering. But if we lay on basis concept of modernization regarded to piecemeal engineering, we saving museums from destroying, and these institutions can be a good tools for positive modernization of society.
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After the most fundamental assault on humanity and civilization that was realised in the annihilation of European Jewry by Nazi Germany, universalist concepts – an idea of mankind – seemed at stake. Still, in the aftermath of the Second World War the newly created United Nations were eager to set up a framework of international rights and duties with universal validity and proposed legal tools to restore peace and the recognition of human dignity worldwide. One of the most important articulations of these principles was the UN’s Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Hannah Arendt’s famous exploration of The Perplexities of the Rights of Men forming a core element of her magnus opum Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) was an essential comment to the debate of her time. While affirming the universalist notion of humanity and human rights she revealed the unsolved challenges of their enforcement in a world of nation states, highlighting the fragile character of international agreements and their limited reach when faced with sovereign rule. To overcome the limits of the notion of universal human rights as such, she claims a more specific human right: the right to belong, a basic right to citizenship as a way to secure recognition and participation of every human being in a shared world. In my paper, I discuss Arendt’s claims in relation to another important Jewish thinker of the time: Hermann Broch. He was equally preoccupied with the possibilities of enforcement of a global human rights regime and tried to come up with very concrete political propositions. Both intellectual’s deliberations reveal general reconfigurations of thinking and judging after the Holocaust and highlight their importance within Arendt’s and Broch’s specific view on historical responsibility and justice.
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The present paper aims to offer Anglophone researchers a selection of translated quotes from Mihai Eminescu’s non-literary oeuvre, relevant to the philosophy of history of the most complex Romanian author of the nineteenth century. It should thus become possible to reconsider Eminescu’s position within the concert of European philosophers of history. The fragments gathered here stem mainly from his activity as a cultural and political journalist, throughout which he voiced, albeit unsystematically, his views on history. Although he did not ultimately articulate an academic philosophy of history per se, these fragments, now available in English for the first time, may give valuable insights into Eminescu’s conception of history. Above all else, they meaningfully complement whatever can be gleaned from Eminescu’s already translated poetry or literary prose. Hopefully the fragments presented here will aid scholars in establishing more precisely what Eminescu’s views on history owe to Schopenhauer’s metaphysics and what to the proper philosophy of history he could find in Hegel. This is a double allegiance scholars have also recognized in Maiorescu’s work. By the same token, it would further be important to chart Eminescu’s ambivalence towards Hegel, an ambivalence also visible in the works of Romanian philosopher Vasile Conta. Finally, the fragments below may help to bring to the fore the complex interplay between Hegelian theodicy and Kantian teleology in Eminescu’s historical thought.
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Temporal and historical frames usually applied to the description of recent Polish literature gradually lose their potential. “Postmodernism,” ”late modernism,” and other terms do not reveal the complicated and local temporal landscape of this literature. Processes like the traumatic return of past events (WWII, the Holocaust, Stalinist terror), the simultaneous activity of Polish language writers in countries around the world, immigrant writings, etc., preclude the use of the term “contemporaneity”, since they do not create any shared temporal horizon and belong to processes of different temporal dynamics with separate time rhythms. Rather, they belong to the dimension of “noncontemporaneity” or “asynchrony.” “Noncontemporaneity” is both the general perspective of the latest literature and the experience of the main characters presented by the literary works.
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In the search to find the meaning of 1989, we social scientists typically look for grand social forces and imposing logics of necessity. As time wears on, we are less likely to opine as twenty-first century Hegelians, claiming to access the direction of history with our own particular insight. Nevertheless, certain philosophies of history smuggle themselves into our empirical fashions regardless of our intentions. These philosophies are embedded in the intellectual traditions that dominate our thinking and impose questions on our analysis. And these philosophies, I would propose, distract us from the contemporary significance of 1989 to be found in both negotiation and contingency, most apparent in the Polish Round Table Talks of 1989. [...]
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Schelling begreift seine eigene Stellung in der Philosophiegeschichte auf zweifache Weise: mit seinem Frühwerk hat er zu der Entwicklung der negativen Philosophie oder der Philosophie der absoluten Identität beigetragen, so dass sie vollends ihre Verwandlung in die positive Philosophie vollziehen könnte. Parallel dazu hat er an der Begründung und Entwicklung der geschichtlichen bzw. Philosophie der Offenbarung gearbeitet. Letztere ist auch wirklicher Inhalt der positiven Philosophie. Diese Auffassung über die Begrenztheit der rationalen Philosophie kann man im gesammten Schellingschen Werk bestätigen, unabhänging von der Entstehungszeit einzelner Schriften. Deshalb ist man durchaus berechtigt auch in dem früheren Werk zumindest die methodische Vorbereitung zur positiven Philosophie zu betrachten. Demzufolge sieht Schelling seine eigene Rolle in der Philosophiegeschiche als eine vermittelnde und endlich den Parallelismus zwischen der unüberwältigten negativen und unrealisierten positiven Philosophie auflösende.
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This paper intends to present the basic structure of Jameson’s concept of dialectical critique in the manner it is developed in Marxism and Form and Political Unconscious. Author’s intention is to give an analysis of specific constitutive dualism by which Jameson approaches the tradition of dialectical thinking, such as ‘philosophy – history’, ‘Hegelianism – Marxism’, ‘critique – understanding’, and its abolition. Starting from the fact of this concept’s immense analytical power, this paper endeavors to affirm Jameson’s project of revitalization of critique as an unsurpassed mode of Marxist intervention within the world of late capitalism.
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This article presents Deleuze and Guattari’s universal history from Anti-Oedipus, with the aim of discussing central points from the work that follow Marx’ thesis from Grundrisse. The aim of the article is to show the way in which Deleuze and Guattari reformulate the classical Marxist problem of ideology into a question of constitution of subjectivity. Beginning with Marx’ manuscript on precapitalist forms of production from Grundrisse, I describe three regimes that Deleuze and Guattari formulate: primitivism, despotism and capitalism, with special focus on the last one, and the form of subjectivity this regime presupposes. Finally, I also address some of the problems of their historiography.
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Abū Naṣr al-Farabi is rightfully considered one of the greatest thinkers in the world whose teachings have always been and will remain relevant through all stages of human history. Al-Farabi’s greatness lies in the fact that every man, nation, and state can find answers to their questions in their encyclopedic heritage and define a path of future development. When speaking about the role of philosophy in human life and society, the well-known Kazakh writer Mukhtar Auezov described al-Farabi as a ray of light in the dark labyrinths of the human path to the truth. [...]
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The fact that spiritual development is needed both on an individual and social level is an issue all traditional societies were acquainted with. The laic and materialistic contemporary world is a mere historical, de-ontologized background which, while promoting individualism and competition, puts aside the trans-historical spiritual values, that have always defined man as a humane and human being, either in religion, or culture. This paper describes the motivation which was provided for man’s spiritual development in Yoga and Christianity, which had, on the one hand, a socializing, integrating function, and on the other hand, a compensatory one. Gandhi’s politics and policy founded on nonviolence and truthfulness is contrasted with man’s nihilistic nature, if not trained to develop his spiritual traits. Today’s redefinition of culture and education, which neglects man’s spiritual values, is the reason why, by contrast, we provided a large space for explaining Gandhi’s views and Yoga, which might be models to be followed even in a laic world, in which personal development should be backed up by man’s spiritual growth, if we want to survive as human beings.
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The past does not exist. It is what one makes of it. From a purely axiological point of view, every one of us is constructed of different pasts and we have different memories at our disposal. The non-existence of the past as a tangible point of reference is a subject of individual or collective creation and interpretation; it is the founding assumption of any sociological research devoted to mnemonic subjects. That is the case because, put simply, we all have a past – and it does not matter how that past came about in our minds. It has been somehow socially constructed. It is a result of much more than a mere sum of our individual memories. As observed by all the great theoreticians of collective memory – ranging from the early writings of Emile Durkheim to our contemporary Jeffrey Olick – memory is inherently plural and inherently social. Collectivities, argues Olick, have memories just like they have identities. The relation between the two is of mutual intertwining – they construct each other and they are mutually complementary. What makes the content of both is, however, beyond the control of an individual, especially if the past employed in the process is a past which we have no direct recollection of.
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Review: The Past for the Present: Historical Memory and Narratives of National Identity: A Collective Monograph. Repina L.P. (Ed.). Moscow, Akvilon, 2020. 464 p. (In Russian) / Рец. на кн.: Прошлое для настоящего: История-память и нарративы национальной идентичности: коллективная монография / Под общ. ред. Л.П. Репиной. – М.: Аквилон, 2020. – 464 с.
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Najprej bomo obravnavali čas, pojmovan v najbolj abstraktni obliki: docela homogeni čas mehanike in fizike, mehanike in fizike, ki sta prežeti z geometrijo, in ki ga lahko imenujemo matematični čas. Je nasproten Bergsonovemu »živetemu času«, kakor je en tečaj nasproten drugemu, in je po tem filozofu povsem »brez zavesti«. Pojem te vrste naj bi bil koristen zato, ker predstavlja mejo, ki se ji imajo ljudje tendenco približati toliko, kolikor se postavljajo na zorno točko skupin in bolj širokih skupkov, namesto da bi ostali zaprti v svoja lastna mišljenja. Iz časa seveda mora postopoma izginiti snov, ki bi omogočala ločevanje njegovih delov drugega od drugega, da lahko ustreza naraščajočemu številu docela različnih bitij. To, kar naj bi vodilo mišljenja v tem prizadevanju za razširitev in univerzaliziranje časa, naj bi bila latentna reprezentacija povsem uniformnega okolja, zelo sorodna reprezentaciji prostora, čeprav se ne meša z njo. Sleherni človek, nam pravijo, je naravno geometer, ker živi v prostoru. Potemtakem ni čudno, da si ljudje, ko mislijo na čas in pri tem abstrahirajo posamične dogodke, kakršni zadevajo individualne zavesti, ki se v njih dogajajo, predstavljajo homogeno okolje, podobno geometrijskemu prostoru.
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Love is an eternal inspiration. Everyone talks about love, but what love is and whether there is a rational explanation of love are questions that only few dared to answer. Ancient Greece is a cradle of western philosophy as we know it, whose main representatives were Plato and Aristotle. They rationally tried to solve the emotional riddle called love. Later on, following their trail, Islamic intellectuals and philosophers also wrote about love. It can be argued that no one talked about love in a rational way, which in some segments borders with Islamic gnosis, like Ibn Sina did. This paper, after a brief historical overview of the opinions of the most significant scholars about love, also presents the translation of the Epistle on the essence of love that was written by Ibn Sina upon a request of his friend.
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Broj filmova baziranih na Shakespeareovim dramama se uveliko povećao u proteklih nekoliko godina, u rasponu od vjernih adaptacija do adaptiranja materijala koje se tek labavo, lajtmotivski drže njegovih djela. Iako možda na prvi pogled ne izgleda privlačnim materijalom za adaptacije, detaljniji pregled koji slijedi će nam pružiti cjelovitiji uvid zbog čega Shakespeare i dalje zauzima značajno mjesto u panteonu filmografijie XX i XXI vijeka. O ovome svjedoče neki relativno novi filmovi, poput Michael Radfordovog, Mletačkog trgovca (2004.), Kenneth Branaghovog Sve je istina (2018.), Oluje Julie Taymor iz 2010., Ralph Fiennesovog Koriolana (2011.) ili Roland Emmerichovog Anonimusa (2011.), između ostalih. Ove adaptacije s početka dvadeset i prvog vijeka uveliko svjedoče popularizaciji velikog dramatičara koja ne jenjava još od slavnog zlatnog doba Hollywooda 1960-ih. Dokaz tome je da njegove adaptacije nastavljaju da korespondiraju sa savremenom publikom.
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Spengler’s Decline of the West is generally read in view of Spengler’s bleak prophecies concerning the future of the West. This somewhat obscures his contribution to comparative history and his interest not only in Classical Antiquity and the West, but also in the Ancient Near East. In this paper, we will first present and critically analyze the outlines of Spengler’s interpretation of Ancient Egyptian History in the field of art history, politics and religion, before venturing some conclusions and personal remarks about the important question whether Spengler’s endeavor must be considered helplessly outdated and refuted by modern research, or whether it still has a potential to serve as the basis of a new, upto-date morphology of history.
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During the last two decades, a sharp re-reading of St. Paul’s letters allowed several thinkers to embed a messianic element in their political philosophy. In these readings, the messianic refusal of the world and its laws is understood through the suspensive act of “subtraction” – a movement of withdrawal which nonetheless too often proved ineffective when translated into political practice. After analysing Agamben’s interpretation of subtraction in terms of “inoperativity”, this article focuses on the notion of Parousia as a key element to understanding his anti-utopian account of messianic time. In contrast to Agamben’s reading, Bloch’s interpretation of the Pauline Parousia envisages the messianic event as infra-historical, but at the same time opened to ultimate (meta-historical) purposes. Bloch’s messianic call – I argue – takes the form of mediation, a correction of subtraction towards the direction of a more committed political engagement. I conclude by suggesting that the concrete implementations of this mediation perform their emancipatory function in so far as they assume the character of practical ethics, with the attention directed to the underprivileged and marginalised.
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