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Prvi udarac

Author(s): Jovan Ćirić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

If you want to be a justfull judge, you must take in consideration all the circumstances of one case. You have to try to answer on the question who hit first? You must take in consideration the whole history of the relation between the person who commited the crime and the victim. Very of ten, it is not so easy to answer who the real victim is? Is it a wife who was molested for many years, and at the end she decided to resolve that situation and killed her husband? Or it is a husband who was killed? One criminal case, especially when it was happened inside a familly, sometimes could be very complicated. In the civil war, like the war in former Yugoslavia was, the story is very similar, at least, it was also like a crime in one family. To understand, the whole story about Yugoslav wars, to judge on a justfull way, it is necessary to take in consideration one very complicated history of the relations, first of all between Serbs and Croats. Understanding the 1991 is impossible without understanding 1941, when Croatian nationalsts, faschists, Ustashas made a terrible genocide against Serbs. In that sense the author of this article first cited what foreigners, officials said about that genocide against Serbs. Even Germans and Italians were schoked by what they have seen in the concentration camp of Jasenovac and in many vilages in Croatia and Bosnia, where Serbs were brutally killed by Croatians, by Ustasha. Serbs remembered very well what has happened during II World War and they were afraid that their neighbors, Croats would repeat all of that. The autor of this article thinks that many things during nineties happened because of that fear It was impossible for Serbs to forget the great crime, (magnum crimen). They were ready to forgive, but not to forget, and that was the most important origin of many things that has happened in the war in former of Yugoslavia. The author thinks that Serbs would accept the seccesion of Croatia in some other circumstances, but they had terrible experience, they knew what has happened before. Almost all Serbs that lived in Croatia had some cousin who was killed by Ustasha (Croats). Such a memory was an unbereable load for Serbs. So, the author of this article thinks that someone who wants to judge about the war and disintegration of former Yugolsvia, must have in mind that history, those memories and those experiences and fears. In that sense, like in evereday life, it is important question who hit first?

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5.00 €

Pregled najnovije literature i istraživanja na temu Bleiburga i Križnog puta

Author(s): Martina Grahek Ravančić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

"Bleiburg” and the "Passion" are one of the complex topics of Croatian, Slovenian, Serbian, Bosnian and Herzegovinian and Montenegrin historiographies. It had been passed in silence for a number of years, not only in historiography, but also in public life of Croatia and former Yugoslavia. Despite public silence in Yugoslavia, there were writings about "Bleiburg" mostly in Croatian, Slovenian and Serbian emigre circles. Since 1990s "Bleiburg" and the "Passion" were no longer a taboo, so that ample historiographical, publicist and memoir literature deals with the end of WWII, withdrawal of a large number of soldiers and civilians, negotiations and extradition at Bleiburg, as well as the events during the "Passion". Works of Yugoslav (socialist) historiography, as well as of foreign (German, British) historiographies are interesting for a general review. Most data are known through memoirs and statements of survivors of the Bleiburg events. However, one should keep in mind frequent subjective elements in the available narratives. Therefore the goal of this paper is to systematize, review and evaluate the more important texts, articles, collections and monographs on the Bleiburg events from May 1945.

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4.50 €

Култура сећања на савезништво у Другом светском рату кроз називе улица, тргова и спомен-обележја

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The renewed emergence in public of the question of respecting the tradition of the Anti-Fascist struggle and recognition of the allied (Soviet) contribution to the liberation of Belgrade in 1944 spurred the interest in reconsidering the practice of naming and renaming of streets which testify about that part of our common history. Although marking of monuments and maintenance of wartime graveyards, and even naming of streets after prominent personages are only part of the promotion of history of remembrance – since in our days it can be much more and stronger reflected in the media presence or in the form of schoolbook interpretations and attractive films or TV serials – we addressed this matter in capacity of a historian and an eyewitness. From a comparative survey of how marking of something which should represent lasting values was approached in various periods of history of Yugoslavia and now of Serbia, we glean that in our territory there was more ideology and „political correctness” than desire to measure with equal measure that which should always be esteemed – shedding of blood for the liberty of the country and the people, as well as the extended friendly hand in the hour of the direst necessity. Following the need of the moment, the town authorities in the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia named a street after the King’s general Petar Živković, in the very year the King imposed his dictatorship. It was renamed by his former oponent Milan Nedić in 1943. Overshadowed by Živković remained many fallen heroes or those whom he condamned or with whom he did away at the trial of Thessaloniki. Thus, the city did injustice to its defender colonel Tufegdžić and took away his name from a street in 1940. During the war, under occupation, streets were deprived of the names of former Serbian wartime and political allies. After the war ideological purges of „incorrect” or „uninteresting” local and allied names followed. In only few cases names deleted by the occupying and collaborationist administration were given back. Streetnames after Russian or Soviet wartime allies were no exception, only perhaps a more dramatic illustration of the change of „remembrance” in keeping with the changed political circumstances. After 1948 the names of streets and boulevards given after Russian great men, the Red Army and toponyms made famous during WWII started to disappear. After less than ten years, they started to return, as a sign of goodwill within the framework of improvement of bilateral relations. After the tragic incident in which a Soviet marshal and several generals, liberators of Belgrade were killed at Avala, the city renamed streets which had once born their names, after them again, and even added some new ones. During the transition of 1990, there was rush to repair all former „iniquities”. However, not even the newly proclaimed criteria were observed. Generals and marshals and the Red Army were once again the target of the reform. In accordance with our own insight and engagement we showed the history behind the scene, how the personality of marshal Biryuzov and the street bearing his name was saved from oblivion in 2004.

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(Не)видљива места сећања

Author(s): Olga Manojlović-Pintar / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyses how personalization of tragedy of the participants of WWII was used to strengthen Yugoslav-Soviet ties in the first days after the liberation of Yugoslavia. The text also analyzes the processes of rapprochement and of establishing closer ties between the two countries during 1960s when new forms of political and cultural cooperation were based on renewed remembrance of the courage of the participants in the war. Special attention was devoted to interpretations of WWII in contemporary historiography which unearthed new data and opened new perspectives. Turning to experiences of individuals was suggested as a possibility of drawing conclusions without ideological revisions of the whole history of 20th century.

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5.00 €

Идеолошко-политичке интерпретације средњoвековних тема у уџбеницима историје у Бугарској и у Југославији 1945–1953. Године

Author(s): Olivera Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The ideological and political changes in the Balkans at the end of the Second World War had a great impact on both the publishing policy and the contents of history textbooks. Due to a way in which communism was established in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, as well as because of changes initiated by the Resolution of IB, the educational publishing policies in these two countries were quite different. The Soviet model of a textbook written by Evgeny Alexeyevich Kosminsky „History of the Middle Ages” was translated in both countries, infl uencing changes in interpretations of national history. The model was introduced in Yugoslavia immediately after the war, as a result of a complex ethnic structure, but also due to a desire of Yugoslav communists to present them as a vanguard in spreading the Soviet influence. On the other hand, since Bulgaria was a country of „people’s democracy” (just like GDR, Poland, or Romania), the Soviet textbook was translated and introduced in history teaching as a consequence of consolidation within the Eastern Bloc after the Tito-Stalin conflict. Since the Soviet textbook was concentrated mainly on general history, neglecting the history of Yugoslav and Bulgarian nations, the education authorities in Sofia supplemented their edition with lessons from national history. After the Resolution of IB, the Yugoslav authorities have approved the writing of new history textbooks in which the history of South Slavs preceded the national history of „new Yugoslavia”. The most radical change in history textbooks in both countries concerned the harmonization of national history with the Marxist ideology. Furthermore, the history of the Byzantine Empire was modifi ed in accordance with the requirements of current ideology, while the question of Bulgarian ethnogenesis has undergone signifi cant interpretive changes: due to ideological requirements during the first post-war decade, modern Bulgarians in Bulgarian history textbooks turned from the people of Turkish origin into a purely Slavic nation. All the textbooks published immediately after the Second World War showed a high degree of ideologization of medieval history.

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4.50 €

Идеологија и урбани простор: преименовање градова и улица у Србији 1944–1950.

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

This paper, through the process of renaming urban toponymy, analyzes the impact of the ruling ideology in shaping the urban space in Serbia in the first years after the World War II. The renaming of old, bourgeois urban toponymy and the construction of new, communist one was carried out systematically and gradually, just as the new Yugoslav state and society was being built. The revolutionary government was aware of the symbolic radiation offered by urban area. Therefore, it was trying by renaming to adapt it to the symbols of the new Yugoslav state and provide another way for spatial and collective expression of the identity of the society. When renaming towns and streets, two main types of intervention were carried out. The first is related to the maintenance or restoring old names, and the other on the renaming of existing towns and streets. The government comprehended this kind of intervention in the urban space very seriously. This means that it legally regulated it and provided to a number of factors (the city government, the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Education, as well as the Communist Party) to participate and monitor the process of renaming. The government did not conduct extensive intervention in the renaming of cities and did not have that intention, because the old names, some of the ancient and medieval period or somewhat later time, were not in contradiction with the newly established value standards. It completely changed the names of only those cities that, in its opinion, had the dubious symbolic value, such as those containing monarchist words (Kraljevo or Caribrod) or they were ideologically problematic (Petrograd) and wanted to highlight the importance of some individuals of the Socialist Movement (S. Markovic and J. B. Tito). The renaming of streets was much more radical and expansive. It was carried out systematically and gradually. First they changed the names of streets in the city centres, then in the wider center, and then those on the periphery. New name of the street depended on its importance. The most important figures, events and concepts of the new Yugoslav state were given the most important streets. Instead of the various layers of civil street toponymy, the new layers of Communist street toponymy were created. These new layers symbolized the Yugoslav and international socialist and communist movement, the National Liberation War and revolution, Slavic rapprochement and the like. The names of streets that did not collide with just the aforementioned ideological values were not changed. The renaming of the streets up to 1948 had a striking ideological and political content and intention to break with inherited civil toponymy. After 1948, in particular after 1950, the need prevailed to regulate the parts in an urban area and to enable faster and easier their communication networking. Moreover, these are the streets that were on the outskirts of the city, and often did not have official names. With the renaming, an entirely new meaning to the urban area was establishing, and with a new meaning new symbols of representation of society and its values.

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7.00 €

Југословенске кризе (1918–1941) и Други светски рат на простору Србије у новијој српској историографији

Author(s): Dušan Bajagić,Aleksandar Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the focus of this article Yugoslavian crisis (1918–1941) and Serbia in the WWII are lying. Article shows main currents of Serbian and Yugoslav historiography from 1945 onwards, with in-detail retrospective of the most important researches published in last twenty years. It is established that historiography was under great political pressure in the first two decades after the WWII and during the civil-war era in the 1990’s. Social and political revolution that occurred in Yugoslavia as an outcome of civil war waged from 1941 to 1945 brought Yugoslav communist to power after the war. Tito and Party proclaimed parameters for official writing of history, with affirmation of partizan movement and communism as one of the main directions. This kind of relation toward the past dominated Yugoslav history until late 1970’s and emergence of several important researches conducted in accordance to scientific standards of historiography and mostly free from political influences. Since then an increase in quality of historiographic production can be seen. However, this positive tendency came to end with the outbreak of wars for Yugoslav heritage in 1990’s, when most of historiography was under very strong influence of nationalism and war rhetoric. During that period part of historiography production was subdued to intense revision, especially themes connected to civil war during the WWII in Yugoslavia. New century came with new historical approaches and with new themes of research, broading and improving horizonts of Serbian historiography.

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Political Culture of the Balkans: Historical Background and Contemporary Characteristics

Author(s): Daniela Pastarmadzhieva / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Today’s challenges of the Balkan countries are largely a result of the fact that the national model of statehood is very difficult to operate in a region where the Ottoman Empire existed for many years. This left a strong footprint on the culture and traditions of the population. All these formed the contemporary political culture of the Balkan countries. Thus, the present research focuses on the Balkan states’ political culture. It aims at making a general description ofthe political culture of the Balkans, identifying the common features of the countries, using historical approach and comparative analyses.. Also a comparison is made with the political culture of "full democracies". The analysis covers indicators and builds on data from the European ValuesStudy, 4th wave. The results show that the countries indeed have common characteristics but stillthere are variations. Although the Balkan countries are close to full democracies on some of theindicators, on others – significant differences are observed.

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(Un)culture of Remembrance: The Role of Memorials and Commemorative Practices in Post-Conflict Social Recovery

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In each post-conflict society which comes into existence and develops after traumatic events, such as wars and other forms of physical violence, there are attempts to suppress the memory of those events in order to “move on” and to “leave the past behind us”. However, memory is instinctive and cannot be suppressed just like that. It will, inevitably, occur, come to the surface in one form or another. For this reason, in an attempt to master the violent past, we are often faced with a challenge how to best use our memory with the aim of learning from past events so that they would never be repeated again.

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Collecting Personal Memories With the Use of Oral History Method

Author(s): Maja Dubljević,Tanja Petrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The methodology which Documenta – Centre for Dealing with the Past uses in collecting personal memories is partially grounded in the basic methodological principles of the oral history method. It has been used since 1948, when the oral history method was accepted in the scientific community as a technique of documenting history and it enables Documenta, as a human rights organization working on the process of dealing with the past, to respond to unique request which are set before the organization. Except for trying to respect scientific principles of documenting with the use of oral history method, the methodology we use also includes a step forward towards a social engagement. As part of the wider process of dealing with the past, Documenta, through its activities related to collecting and recording personal memories, tries to provide an opportunity to people, who have neither been active in creating historical events nor have carried any political power during certain periods, to affirm themselves as social actors. On the other hand, by insisting on the principle of multiperspectivity, we try to present to the public plurality of different narratives. Our aim is to contribute to a deeper and all-encompassing understanding of certain historical processes which have significantly affected the lives of people from these areas. The methodology of our work on the project “Personal memories of wars and other forms of political violence from 1941 until today” consists of several phases which follow one after another and are in part complementary.

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Public Advocacy

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

There is no country or society in which presentation of the shameful pages of own past could not be improved and support system to the traumatized enhanced. In order to create space for a quality discussion about the past, for additional research of facts about violence and for teaching of fact-based history, you will need to advocate for changes in deeply rooted practices of selective representations of suffering. With your suggestions, you will attempt to motivate as many people as possible, who were not interested so far, both in the public and government institutions or – in other words – you will need to advocate. The success of advocating for proposals in public discussions will depend on their quality and accountability of an advocate, on the manner in which a proposal is presented and on the ability to communicate about a condition, values, ideas and requests towards other people, media and government institutions. Even the best proposals, supported by arguments, data and analyses, will not have the desired effect, if they are not presented in an understandable and interesting way. You should not be discouraged by unpleasant silence which often accompanies public disclosure of facts about committed crimes. When initial shock is over, a storm could ensue. Regardless of whether a discussion about a violent past has already been open or is just starting, when preparing your public action, you should count on harsh reactions, because, in public, initiatives related to remembrance of violent heritage are usually met with divided reactions. Regardless of whether you are preparing an initiative in your own town or on the national level, you should probably count on years-long advocacy for your proposal and arm yourselves with patience. For some initiatives, such as the one described in the first example, you will need ten or even more years.

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(Ne)kultura sjećanja: uloga memorijala i komemorativnih praksi u post-konfliktnoj obnovi društva

Author(s): Tamara Banjeglav / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

U svakom post-konfliktnom društvu koje nastaje i razvija se nakon traumatičnih događaja, kao što su ratovi i drugi oblici nasilja, postoje pokušaji da se potisne sjećanje na te događaje kako bi se ‘krenulo dalje’ i kako bi se ‘prošlost ostavila iza nas’. Sjećanje je, međutim, instinktivno i ne može se samo tako potisnuti te će se neizbježno, ipak, pojaviti, isplivati na površinu, u jednom ili drugom obliku. Zbog toga smo, u pokušaju savladavanja nasilne prošlosti, često suočeni s izazovom kako najbolje upotiijebiti/iskoristiti sjećanje s ciljem učenja na prošlim događajima kako se oni više ne bi ponovili.

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O prikupljanju osobnih sjećanja metodom usmene povijesti

Author(s): Maja Dubljević,Tanja Petrović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Metodologija rada kojom se Documenta - Centar za suočavanje s prošlošću koristi u prikupljanju osobnih sjećanja dijelom se zasniva na osnovnim metodološkim principima metode usmene povijesti koji se koriste od njezina usvajanja kao nove, znanstveno prihvaćene tehnike historijskog dokumentiranja, 1948. godine, a dijelom uključuje specifične zahtjeve koje Documenta, kao organizacija za ljudska prava koja se bavi suočavanjem s prošlošću, ima pred sobom.

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Javno zagovaranje

Author(s): Vesna Teršelič / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Nema zemlje ni društva u kojima se ne bi moglo bitno unaprijediti prezentiranje sramnih stranica vlastite povijesti i poboljšati sustav podrške traumatiziranima. Kako bi stvorili prostor za kvalitetniju raspravu o prošlosti, dodatno istraživanje faktografije nasilja i učenje povijesti utemeljeno na činjenicama zagovarat ćete promjene duboko ukorijenjenih praksi selektivnog prikazivanja stradanja. Vašim ćete prijedlozima nastojati motivirati što više sada nezainteresiranih ljudi, u javnosti i vladinim institucijama ili drugim riječima - zagovarati.

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Case Study: Estonia. Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, World War II and Soviet Legacy

Author(s): Vladimir Sazonov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

History can be used as a tool of influence as was highlighted in Annual Review 2014 of Estonian Internal Security Service; “historical propaganda plays a key role in justifying the actions and conquests of Russia’s aggressive foreign policy”. Russia has its own historical policy, which the Kremlin uses for achieving its goals. Various methods of using and (re)-interpreting or manipulation(s) historical facts and narratives are not a new phenomenon in the modern world, but in the 21st century they have become more significant in influencing target audiences. Several modern pro-Kremlin oriented Russian historians and even politicians are manipulating historical facts.

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Percepcije genocida u Srebrenici – između istine i revizionizma i poricanja

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Based on the reference literature, the author observes the perception of the Srebrenica genocide in the domestic and foreign public, concluding that the Srebrenica genocide is a “blood stain on the conscience of humanity”. The author paid special attention to the views of those who deny genocide and glorify war crimes and promote the ideology of hatred. In Serbia, RS and in the international community there are political actors at all levels of state and government as well as in the academia, journalism and all other institutions who are turned in sharing revisionistic narratives about genocide in Srebrenica. Despite the campaign of denial of genocide in Srebrenica which appears in different forms with an aim to revise history and to remove the indisputable facts those efforts mostly stayed without success. Evidences, expert reports, primary sources of varying provenance support the verdicts of the International tribunal for former Yugoslavia and International residual mechanism for criminal courts in Den Hague. Based on these evidences which were thoroughly verified ICTY, Mechanism and International Court of Justice in the Hague confirmed undoubtedly that genocide was committed in Srebrenica in July 1995. The 25th anniversary of genocide in Srebrenica is still performed in the shadow of political games and on the diplomatic stage of international community.

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Zaboraviti zlo – put ka pomirenju ili jedan od specifičnih načina negiranja genocida nad Bošnjacima

Author(s): Muamer Džananović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

It is not a novus in scientific and public discourse to insist on forgetting the “burdening” past. Just as Friedrich Nietzsche did not find anything valuable in the memory of evil, believing that turning back turns us against life, so also lately, at the time of the strongest wave of genocide denial against Bosniaks, there are tendencies in public discourse that victims should forget evil committed against them. The oblivion is presented as a precondition for the way forward, the way to a common and better future, the way to development of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is forgotten that evil is “repetitive” as Hannah Arendt says regardless of the punishment. Once a specific crime occurs, its recurrence is much more likely than the possibility of its occurrence. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which is in fact a matter of the identity of the state and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. The continuity of the centuries-long recurrence of crimes against Bosniaks, which in fact represents a matter of the identity of the Bosnian state and society, but also of Bosniaks as victims, is an adequate example and proof of this attitude. Consequently, in this paper we will look at (un)conscious ways and methods of denying genocide against Bosniaks, identify new methods of denial, certain deviance dealing in the aftermath genocide, but also to give recommendations in which direction the study of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina should go in order to adequately remember it, and finally stop the evil of genocide against Bosniaks that has lasted for several centuries.

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Strategija negiranje genocida: od Markala do Srebrenice

Author(s): Hikmet Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Denial of genocide and mass crimes committed by Serb forces has been in progress since the 1992–95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To gain sympathy from the western forces and have them intervene, after the first massacres in occupied Sarajevo, Serb propaganda machinery accused the government of RBiH of shelling and sniper fire over its citizens. Notorious massacres in the streets Vase Miskina, Markale I, and Markale II, as well as the square known as ‘Gate’ in Tuzla, were subjected to ridicule by the Serb media. News about the concentration camp in Krajina during the summer of 1992 and the news about mass rape were dismissed as propaganda. Genocide in Srebrenica has since been denied and was subjected to conspiracy theories. A quarter of a century after the genocide, despite numerous judicial processes and vast forensic evidence, the denial of genocide and other crimes grows ever stronger. Notable western writers have also denied the genocide and other crimes including Jessica Stern, Noam Chomsky, Diana Johnstone, and Peter Handke. During the last decade, genocide denial has become the official strategy of the Republic of Serbia and Republika Srpska. In this paper, I will focus on key actors and their arguments in genocide denial and mini- mization of genocide and other crimes committed. I will demonstrate the sophistication of genocide denial developed over the years.

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PRVI SVJETSKI RAT U DJELU DR. FRANJE TUĐMANA

Author(s): Stjepan Matković / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Franjo Tuđman’s views on World War I and the immediate postwar period constitute a minor, but still important part of his multileveled opus. Tuđman believed this period to have been one of the key turning points in modern European history, with a distinct and complex impact on Croatia’s position. In his opinion, the outcome of the war caused Croatia to lose its historical statehood attributes that had been present to a limited extent in its subdualist position in the Habsburg Monarchy, only to disappear altogether in the monarchist Yugoslavia after 1918. On the other hand, he advocates the real political opinion that the disintegration of Austro-Hungary had been an unavoidable historical moment, since this multiethnic community had failed to find a key to the solution of the burning national question. Still, the outcome of the war, out of which the members of the Entente and their military allies emerged as the victors, was the decisive influence on the collapse of the existing system in Central and South East Europe. His ideas about this area of history, a product of his research into an extensive number of historical sources and literature, were later incorporated into his political practice, which is evident in his striving to establish a pluralism of political parties after he took over Croatia’s helm in the process of Croatia’s abandonment of Yugoslavia.

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Disidenti i hrvatske povijesne poluistine

Author(s): DANIEL IVIN / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

In this paper the author warns of the difficulties of a historiographical approach to the phenomenon of dissidence in the former communist world. He warns of the vagueness of today’s definition of dissident, which is tied with a political influence that still carries the consequences of the former selection by criteria of suitability. It is also linked with the pernicious appearance of Croatian historical half-truths and a tendency to revisionism. The author thinks that the appearance of dissidents in the world of communism is too important a topic to be left to evaluation by the manufacturers of historical half-truths and revisionists, which is why he is recommending a true historiographical approach. And it should not be just an approach, but also an effort to write entire volumes because – the author wishes to state explicitly – while Croatia is the homeland of dissidence, it is also the only country of the former communist world that does not have a single comprehensive historiographical work on this undoubtedly important historical phenomenon. It is understood that the stated assumptions or hypotheses will be corroborated with relevant citations and descriptions of events, so the paper might also have some of the characteristics of a scientific discussion, which will also make it even more valuable in a historiographical sense. In any case, this kind of approach can at least inspire further discussion, which is also its purpose.

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