![SIMKANIČ, Ján. Mé dětství v socialismu. Praha, 2014. 256 s. ISBN: 978-80-265-0297-5](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2014_34461.jpg)
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The objective of this article is to attempt the construction of a scale that can measure the psychological potential of individuals for reconciliation based on existing theoretical considerations. Following the steps for the construction of the Likert-type scale and based on the responses of 1176 participants from the postconflict region of the three Balkans countries of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the scale of Readiness for Reconciliation has been constructed. Applied exploratory factor analysis indicates the existence of four factors: trust, cooperation, forgiveness and rehumanisation. These factors are considered to be the main constituent elements of readiness for reconciliation. The obtained results show that scale has excellent psychometrics characteristics.
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The objective of the paper is to discuss Philip Roth’s approach to the Jewish community in Newark, where he spent his childhood and where he chose to set several of his novels. Roth’s narrations referring to his hometown are written in the first person singular and often take the form of childhood memories. The persistent return to the settings of the Jewish quarter of Newark in the past seems an attempt at understanding the reality of a relatively closed community, yet far from isolation, which provided him with all the elements determining his complex sense of identity. Despite the various grades of fictitiousness of the characters and settings, the narrating protagonist of a number of Roth’s novels is usually a Jewish schoolboy born and brought up in Newark. The paper includes short analyses of “Jewish memories” in three novels by Philip Roth: The Plot Against America, where the narrator is called Philip Roth but the circumstances are elements of pure political/historical fiction, American Pastoral, where the speaker is Nathan Zuckerman, Roth’s frequent alter ego, and Portnoy’s Complaint, narrated by the fictitious Alexander Portnoy. Being both American and Jewish has considerable implications, which include, for example, the characters’ sexuality. The image of the childhood and adolescence of Roth’s protagonists seems not only an obsessive theme to be found in so many of his texts, but also the core of the intellectual construct which may be recognized as his sense of identity
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Independence celebrations kick off a year of centennials across Eastern Europe.
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The paper examines the concept of development as a neologism, a nonempirical and unstable preconception and traces the beginnings of the contemporary understanding of development starting with the process of transfer from the domain of biology into the social sphere. through the transformation of the metaphor into an independent signifier in the domain of social sciences to the transitivity of the concept attained under the influence of enlightenment, ’development’ in the XX century acquires proportions of a myth and a religious quality. the myth of development, as closely connected to the discursive construction of international community, modernity and inevitability of progress, is defined by its purpose, not its content: it legitimizes hierarchy and intervention. although reduced to an oxymoron ’sustainable development’, deprived of meaning, it perseveres as ideologically useful and adaptable from one context to the next.
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The purpose of the work is to substantiate the expediency of forming consolidated information resources of social memory institutions at the level of individual towns and communities as an effective instrument for preserving the historical and cultural heritage of the regions and developing e-culture. The methodology of the research consists of general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis; the comparative-historical methods for comparing ways of preserving the historical and cultural heritage are also used. Scientific novelty. The authors consider consolidated information resource as a modern socio-communicative system; for its designing and implementation it is proposed to use the methodology and tools of socio-communicative engineering. Conclusions. Socio-communicative projects on consolidation of information resources of social memory institutions of small-scale cities, the methodological principles of which are being developed, are intended to ensure the preservation of social memory at the regional level, with their further integration into the national information resource
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The aim of this paper is to analyse the shift of the representational and narrative paradigms of Holocaust memory in the Balkan films that belong to two genres - of melodrama and historical fiction. The hybrid format positons the Holocaust (hi)stories - already caught between forgetting and remembrance - on the unstable ground between trauma and nostalgia; between history and memory; or facts and fiction. The “regained visibility of the Holocaust grant us access” to Balkan past and present and oblige us to investigate the convergence of the history and the memory into Holocaust master narrative of the Holocaust. “Bringing the dark past to light” in cinema has manifold effect. First, the Balkan wave of Holocaust films, with its mixed generic performances, offers new answers to the traditional issues of, both, the ethics of memory and the ethics of representation. Second, the analysis of five films reveals that the trauma from the past - resisting the closure - has the potential to powerfully resonate in the present day political crises. Re-dressing the trauma of the past, the films present the future violence while fulfilling “the Holocaust dictum ‘never forget’”. Eventually, new representational paradigm gives consistency to the Balkan (hi)stories of the past and coherence to the identity in the present.
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The Social Constructivist (SC) theory of the International Relations (IR) to a larger extent is related to the name of Alexander Wendt. In his 4 famous papers Wendt shows that such basic realistic phenomenon as power politics is social one that is not given from above and can be transformed through human agents’ activity, putting the theoretical basis of what he considers as a missing link between neo-realists and neo-liberalists. SC interprets the anarchic structure of the international system not as self-help or as a constant category but as one constructed by social practice, hence, considering the Anarchy as a process. Thus, if the structure of the system is dependent on the social practice, hence is shaped and being re-shaped by social practice. In the SC theory actors’ action within the international system is not predicted by its [system’s] anarchic structure but by the actors’ interests and identities. Wendt’s SC does not consider the factor of memory that is going to be the central object of this paper, as a direct variable determining the processes within the system of IR. Instead, it [memory] can be seen directly connected with identity which in turn does not only reflect the hard interests but also shapes and determines them.
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1. Izbori Razgovaraju Amerikanac, Japanac i Bosanac o izborima. Amerikanac: _ Kod nas se za manje od 2 sata nakon izbora zna ko je pobijedio. Japanac: – Hehe nije to ništa, kod nas se zna […]
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This essay deals with personal emotional entanglements that one encounters when researching letters written by perpetrators of the Holocaust.
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Scientific historiography did not manage to crucially influence the creation of historical conscience as far as the processing of themes on past in the second edition of Encyclopedia of Yugoslavia are concerned. Reality of Yugoslavia was contradictory and full of conflicts of various types in which even historians participated, each in their own way, sometimes even without being aware of it. The governing establishment feared the revealing of the past because it could spoil previous historical picture, especially the one that had nothing to do with the Second World War and state-political organization of SFRY. In addition to this, partisan generation was still very present in the public scene. Thus for them every reexamination of history was the conviction of their gained rights and casting of an unjust shadow on their own past. While Serbian historiography showed a great level of disunity, disharmony and hiding behind the principles of non-interference in political and ideological clashes in Yugoslavia of that time, by which it did support one concept, Croatian Marxist historiography was consistently defending the views of its Establishment, slowly preparing the field for overcoming the rigid national approach. The clashes between Serbia and Croatia in historiography showed two completely different concepts in the interpretation of the common past, two separate currents, as if these were two different histories.
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The aim of this paper is to explore the cinematic history and memory of socialism and broadly of Yugoslavia throughout XXth century as narrativised and represented in the films of Mila Turajlić Cinema Komunisto (2010) and The Other Side of Everything (Druga strana svega, 2017). Accordingly the cinematic texts are understood as: 1) the texts of cultural memory that construct the remembrance of the past and history of Yugoslavia; 2) as cinematic lieux de memoire or field of tensions of memory and history, textual and metatextual layers, fiction and faction; 3) as texts that brilliantly perform the turn from “film about history” to being a “memory-making film” while keeping the two facets.The two case studies are contextualized within the previous tradition of Yugoslav cinema as well as within the larger group of archive films made in 2010s.
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In Germany, a culture of remembrance first began to emerge haltingly in the 1960s before establishing itself in a remarkable show of solidarity between scholarship, politics, and the public culture of history. This culture of remembrance aims at a critical engagement with Germany’s calamitous history. Through its relentless demand to come to terms with the past, a fundamental consensus has emerged in Germany’s culture of history in the past decades that was most recently declared to be a „part of our national self-understanding“ by the current federal government in its coalition agreement. However, the signs are increasing that this paradigm of a resolute and critical re-examination of a suppressed and silenced history is losing its validity. The rise of right-wing populism in Germany and the significantly diminished acceptance of democracy in eastern Germany raise the question of whether the belief in a secure democratic culture of remembrance has not in fact led the country astray; whether the process of coming to terms with the past in Germany has not failed in its aim to secure the future of democracy through an engagement with the collapsed dictatorships of the past. This lecture investigates the causes of this new uncertainty. It traces the creeping shift from critical self-reflection to affirmative self-vindication that has increasingly characterised Germany’s understanding of its calamitous past since the 1990s. It thereby elucidates possible alternatives to the ever clearer crisis experienced by Germany’s culture of remembrance.
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This article is about contemporary memory politics in Germany, with a special focus on memory education as a function of governmentality. It describes the linkage of the memory of the Holocaust with present-day human rights causes and examines education that is intended to use that memory to create better German citizens. I look into the widely accepted idea that in a democracy, citizens not only have rights but also obligations to behave in accordance with the society’s values. By examining the citizen’s alleged obligations and how they are characterized by different forms of memorializing historical events, I offer insight into the rationale for injecting a retrospective view into present-day politics and educational efforts that are intended to accomplish that. Contemporary German memory education is to a great extent influenced by global educational programs such as those supported by UNESCO. I come to the conclusion that many of the programs aimed at German citizens include education about the Holocaust and are considered to be “naturally” complementary to promoting human rights. Nevertheless, the German government’s proclaimed aim of advancing respect for human rights and thereby creating a more peaceful future carries with it a risk of becoming a stepping stone to the assumption of a morally superior position that will result in new forms of exclusion.
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Trying to recover the memory of former intelligence agents, professor Troncotă had some long and interesting discussions with Constantin Aioanei. The conclusions are sad for Romania and forthe Romanian people, as the research on the field of the treason of the Securitate is more and more confirmed by some honest retired intelligence officers. The book tries to get to the bottom of the treason, to find out the reasons and motivation of the Romanian officers who chose to do so.
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The article studies the evolution of Turkey’s policy in the Balkans from the 2000s until thepresent. Though Turkey is part of Southeast Europe and has always been involved in the region’s politics, its presence and ambitions expanded with the coming to power of the Justice and Development Party AKP. It has harnessed economic and soft power tools to assert its influence, with Islam playing an increasingly central role – both as a driver and an instrument. As a result, many analysts tend to portray Turkey as a “killjoy” competing with the EU and the United States, exporting its model of governance with a mixture of authoritarian and democratic features.In contrast, this article argues that Turkey is not seeking to undermine Western order but rather to take advantage of it. Economic interdependence and overlapping security interests link Turkey and the West, despite Erdoğan’s divisive rhetoric and politics. In addition, Turkish foreign policy activism in the Balkans has delivered geopolitical and commercial gains for Ankara but also led to setbacks for local actors.
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As life is an abstract concept, it can be explained only by the traces and appearances of time, which contain concepts. Because life has memory. Many events in the past are remembered in life. In this study, it is seen that the richness of the changing effect and appearance in life is represented by the same richness in the cultural assets with different structures, compositions, patterns and motifs. It is possible to see the sky, eternity and life awareness in Turkish religious architectural plans and structures, dome designs, dome patterns, door windows, other interior decorations and furniture. People who are away from research, observation, knowledge and thinking development efforts in society cannot carry culture and art to the future. But nature; Even with a leaf that opened in spring and fall in autumn, it tells life and brings this expression to the future with rich looks. In this study, the conditions affecting the shaping of life in Turkish cultural assets were observed and examined.
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The region around Trieste forms a microcosm of the contradictory impulses that have defined Italian memory culture since 1945. The tension between commemoration and a rehabilitation of fascism is especially visible in two rival sites of memory: the Risiera di San Sabba, a former concentration camp, and the Foiba di Basovizza, which commemorates the victims of Yugoslav partisans. Both sites present an exculpatory version of Italian history that casts Italians as innocent victims of external aggression and glosses over the issues of collaboration and enforced Italianisation as well as the fascist policies of racial hygiene. A counterpoint to this dominant narrative may be found in the literary works of regional authors with Slovenian, Croatian and Jewish backgrounds. They bring repressed aspects of the region’s history and memory to light and recover the biographies of those who have been forgotten or excluded. Trieste is a paradigm case of „the historical uncanny“: a palimpsest of repressed memories that persistently reappear to disrupt and disturb the city and its historical self-image.
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Ein paradoxer Spruch im heutigen Russland besagt, dass die Vergangenheit des Landes nicht vorhersagbar sei, präge doch die Interpretation der gegenwärtigen politischen Verhältnisse immer auch das Bild der russischen bzw. der sowjetischen Vergangenheit. Allein um zu verstehen, warum sich Russland wieder in dieser erdrückenden Umklammerung einer ‚nicht-vorhersagbaren Vergangenheit‘ befindet und warum – 62 Jahre nach seinem Tod – noch immer das Verhältnis zu Stalin der alleinige Gradmesser dafür ist, wie jemand zu Demokratie und liberalen Werten steht, müssen die gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse der zweiten Hälfte der 1980er-Jahre näher beleuchtet werden. Dies soll im vorliegenden Paper getan werden. Dabei kommt der Frage besondere Aufmerksamkeit zu, wie die herrschende Elite im heutigen Russland aus den widersprüchlichen Geschichtsbildern eine offizielle Staatsideologie konstruiert.
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