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This Policy Paper was prepared in the context of the joint Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS), Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) project: “Albania and Kosovo - In quest of a Common Future”. Its first chapter deals with the historical dimension of the relations between Albania and Kosovo. During their history Kosovo and Albania have been isolated for more than four decades and this has caused deep divisions in economic, political and societal terms, which still persist today. During WWII, both countries experienced a short term unification (1941-1944), which resulted very successful in strengthening their economic ties. However, during the communist regimes in Albania and Yugoslavia, cooperation was limited only to sporadic academic and cultural interaction. After the fall of the Iron curtain, deep isolation continued to mark the relations between the two countries. The situation changed only after the outbreak of the Kosovo War and the establishment of the UNMIK administration in 1999, with the signing of a series of economic and free trade agreements. After the independence of Kosovo in 2008, one can speak for the first time in history of relations between two separate and sovereign Albanian dominated states. As such, these relations are experiencing a new evolving economic and political dimension.
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The problem of Moldova’s geopolitical identity continues to be, after 20 years of independence, a topic still open for Moldovan society. This situation can be explained by the polarization of Moldovan society that often has been divided by geopolitical preferences of the citizens of this state. Polarization phenomenon was intentionally powered on different occasions by certain political parties invoking false threats to obtain political dividends from parliamentary elections. Attitude of ethnic minorities towards political issues and international institutions is an important element in influencing foreign policy of Moldova. In other words, in most cases, political parties articulate their policies and their implementation tools based on voters’ preferences.
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With the formal ratification by the Greek Parliament last Friday of the agreement to resolve the name dispute between Macedonia and Greece, a dark cloud has been lifted, enabling the hitherto fractious relations between these two neighbouring countries to enter into a new and hopefully more promising phase. The Macedonian Parliament also ratified the agreement earlier in the month.
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Within the European Union (EU), much progress has been made over the past years with regard to the collection of comparable and reliable information on the regulations with regard to the acquisition and loss of nationality in the Member States of the EU. The ILEC project provides much-needed additional information on the regulation and administrative practices on involuntary loss of nationality in the EU. While EU and international law provide important normative standards for the evaluation of these regulations and practices, in order to understand their practical relevance it is also important to have an insight in how many people are affected by such rules and practices.
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Are the Member States of the European Union (EU) free to take their own decisions concerning the acquisition and loss of nationality? European citizenship has progressively become the fundamental status of Member States’ nationals.Holding the nationality of a Member State constitutes the ‘master key’ to European citizenship. While the conditions for the acquisition and loss of nationality fall formally within member states’ national competences, their autonomy has been progressively remodelled as a result of international and European Union cooperation.
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This policy brief deals with loss of citizenship ofthe European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of a Member State. To hold nationality of an EU Member State is the master key to European citizenship. Only the nationals of a Member State possess European citizenship. Consequently, the loss of nationality of a Member State also implies the loss of European citizenship.
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U Bosni i Hercegovini još uvijek ne postoji organizacija koja se javno i isključivo bavi poboljšanjem života lezbejki, kroz pravo, kulturu ili neki treći način. Zbog toga, sve što Fondacija CURE radi, kroz svoj feminističko-aktivistički način djelovanja, putem obrazovnih, umjetničko-kulturnih i istraživačkih programa za lezbejke, biseksualne i trans žene zavređuje pažnju, jer djeluje politički i sa jasnim s ciljem doprinosa društvenim promjenama. U ovoj analizi se kroz istraživanje etnografskih činjenica koje su lezbejke, biseksulane i trans žene željele da podijele, došlo se do informacija koje su postale izvori znanja.
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Nikada u našoj istoriji nije toliko toga učinjeno u ime afirmisanja nacija. Istovremeno, nikada se jugoslovenske nacije nisu osećale tako ugroženima, osujećenima i obespravljenima kao danas. Gde je rešenje ovog paradoksa? Da li je etničkim grupama, uprkos svim deklaracijama i obećanjima, ipak dato premalo prava? Možda ih državna i republička “birokratija” sprečava da ostvare ta obećanja, pa bi onda izlaz iz međunacionalne krize trebalo tražiti u daljem intenziviranju etničkih individualiteta? Ili je našim nacijama dato previše prava, koja one zloupotrebljavaju i okreću protiv zajedničke države kao jednog izvora vlastitog pravnog statusa?
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Još uvek pamtim kako su se pre nešto manje od dve godine gotovo svi besno bacili na mene povodom mojih 15 pitanja ateistima i 15 pitanja pravoslavnima, objavljenih na ovom istom sajtu. Tada je čitava javnost bila uznemirena presudom članicama grupe Pussy Riot i meni se učinilo važno da svi mi, što preciznije odredimo o čemu mi to zapravo razgovoramo.
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Odnedavno imam problem da kažem ko sam. Na pitanje da li sam Rus ne mogu da odgovorim sa da ili ne. Moji preci su Ukrajinci iz Zaporožja, Jevreji iz Litvanije i Grci i Nemci sa Krima; govorim ruski, u Moskvi sam završio srednju školu i jedan od mojih predaka o kome ne znam gotovo ništa je imao rusko prezime. Da li to znači da sam Rus?
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UKRAINIAN IDENTITY: CHANGES, TRENDS, REGIONAL ASPECTS // Civic Identity // Aspects of Political Identity // Socio-Cultural Identity // National Identity // Geopolitical Orientations // Attitude Towards Regional Differences, Prospects for Regional Development and Assessments of Historical Past // Attitude Towards the Conflict in the East and Relations with Occupied Crimea // Ukrainian Identity Changes, Trends, Regional Aspects // CERTAIN IDENTITY ASPECTS OF THE RESIDENTS OF VARIOUS UKRAINIAN REGIONS // West // Centre // South // East // Donbas // “REGIONAL FEATURES OF THE IDENTITY OF UKRAINIAN CITIZENS” // IDENTITY FEATURES OF DIFFERENT LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL GROUPS // I. Identity Features of Separate Language Groups // II. Identity Features of Different National Groups (Ukrainians vs. Russians) // FEATURES OF THE IDENTITY OF CITIZENS AFFILIATED WITH THE ARMED RESISTANCE AGAINST RUSSIAN AGGRESSION // THE STATE OF INTEGRATION OF TEMPORARILY INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS // THE CURRENT STATE OF THE IDENTITY OF CITIZENS OF UKRAINE: MAJOR CHANGES AND TRENDS // BUILDING A COMMON UKRAINIAN IDENTITY: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES
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The Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities carried out a representative survey on the interethnic climate in Romania in collaboration with the Research Center for Interethnic Relations. The research methodology was prepared by taking into account previous quantitative research on the topic. Carried between 24 October - 7 November 2008, the survey included two parallel samples: a national sample consisting of 1189 persons from all regions of Romania (Moldova, Muntenia, Oltenia, Dobrogea, Transylvania, Crisana-Maramureş, Banat, Bucharest) and a subsample of 534 persons who declared themselves as Hungarians (from Transylvania, Crisana-Maramureş and Banat); the enlarged sample of Hungarians (included in both samples) comprised 612 persons in total.
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The author of this paper proposes to open a discussion about the terms 'Gypsy' and 'Roma'. The analysis follows the idea that the terms as they are mostly used today in several fields, have a simplifying and homogenizing tendency. Based on a two-month research in a Gypsy community in the Brasov area the author argues that the use of the terms in everyday life varies greatly and their meaning depends on the person and on the situation. The definitions offered by the interviewees rarely correspond to the use of the terms in political and official discourses. Interviews with Gadje and Gypsies evealed the fact that there is a great complexity behind these terms. The paper demonstrates the role of stereotypes and prejudices in defining ethnicity and the everyday strategies of fighting against these stereotypes are also presented.
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This paper aims to empirically grasp the "lay" models of national belonging in the European Union member states using data from the last wave of the European Values Study (2008). In the attempt to go beyond most conventional studies which incorporate ready-made analytical categories from the field of nationalism studies and which test popular representations against one or another of the dominant (ethnic versus civic) national models, our study proposes a typology of the ways in which the "nations" define themselves through the evaluation of several criteria drawing the boundaries between nationals and non-nationals. We thus produce a map of the social representations of national identities in the European Union and present the main lines of cohesion and division that organize this configuration.
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Pogovor za hrvatsko izdanje knjige „Politike prevođenja“, Fraktura, Zagreb 2022 (Politiques de la traduction – Exercices de partage, Terra-HN Editions, 2019), sa francuskog prevela Milena Ostojić. Ovo je tekst razmišljanja o prevođenju jedne knjige o prevođenju, o prevedenim autorima i prevoditeljicama. Kada mi je izdavač Seid Serdarević, uz sugestiju i podršku Igora Štiksa, predložio da se ova moja knjiga prevede, ja se, naivno, nisam odmah dosjetila jadu – da će to implicirati da i ja budem prevedena i da radim na samom prevođenju, premda sam to mogla pretpostaviti. Koristim priliku da usput podvučem jedinstvenu „prevodilačku“ ulogu Igora Štiksa, filozofa, profesora, pisca i posrednika koji je i sam postao važna nenametljiva institucija, povezivača u prostoru zemalja nasljednica Jugoslavije, i na terenu zajedničkog jezika. On prevodi među našim zemljama, jezicima i kulturama i otvara skučene horizonte. Njegove brojne inicijative u oblasti očuvanja i njegovanja zajedničke kulture (njega, i njegovih prijatelja u Zagrebu, Sarajevu, Beogradu i drugdje, srećom ima ih) već daju vidljive rezultate i temeljac su u izgradnji alternativne budućnosti i prošlosti naših zemalja i kultura poslije četiri toksične decenije.
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Despite a considerably assertive and costly media campaign, the Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orbán did not manage to convince the majority of Hungary's citizens that the issue of migrants/refugees is the most critical “for their own future and the future of Europe”. The 43,4% turnout (out of which 6% of votes were blank/invalid) at the infamous “quota referendum”, point to the fact that exploiting the topic of migrants in a populist manner is not sufficient to mobilise the general electorate, worried about everyday issues, such aseconomic conditions.
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Due to identity disputes, Bulgaria blocked North Macedonia’s accession negotiations with the EU. The new prime ministers of these countries, Kiril Petkov and Dimitar Kovačevski, want to facilitate breaking the deadlock by tightening sectoral cooperation. They met on 18 January in Skopje, and a week later a joint government meeting was held in Sofia,. Withdrawing the Bulgarian veto may continue to be difficult without the greater involvement of EU partners. Meanwhile, the blockade of Macedonian - and thus also Albanian—talks with the EU is deepening the crisis of the enlargement policy, which is supported by Poland.
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Bulgaria is in a deep political crisis. Mass protests against crime, corruption, oligarchs and the government have been going on since July 2020. The International Institute IFIMES published on 28 September 2020 an analysis titled “Bulgaria 2020: Bulgaria exports its problems to North Macedonia”, link: https://www.ifimes.org/en/9908 . In addition to the political dimension, the current crisis in Bulgaria also has a social/economic dimension, as well as elements of recessions, financial instability, high level of crime and corruption, crisis of political representation and the existing political system, institutional ineffectiveness due to seizure of national institutions by the ruling regime.
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