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This exclusive report announces the imminent arrival of a new newspaper in Skopje, Vreme, as well as other more salacious developments in Macedonia's media world that have come with the purchase of 3 leading papers by Germany publishing giant WAZ. A vital piece with unequalled disclosures.
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The cultural heritage and historical monuments are silent witnesses of social development and they deserve a special place in the world’s annals, both in material and in spiritual sense. In this regard, UNESCO has undertaken a number of measures which recognize such values. However, the current international events directly usurp cultural and historical features using international politics which in the process of globalization puts in an uncertain position the characteristics of certain national identities. The jurisdiction of this international organization is compromised by pressures of leading international subjects. By defining its strategic objectives, the position of the state sovereignty of its member states is determined. Consequently, it is necessary to induce the criteria and proposals to prevent such tendencies in order to preserve not only the cultural heritage of a nation, territory, religious population, but also its identity and its statehood.
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PSL „New Liberation” tried to win the villages. It highlighted its association with one of the major pre‑war left‑wing peasant parties: PSL „Liberation”. Before the war it had gathered many village teachers, focusing its attention on the modernization and development of education. The „New Liberation” declared great concern for the state (including education); it emphasized the importance of religion; it ensured that in the new political realities, an educated peasant „should not be a laughing stock, as it used to be previously, but a citizen enjoying full rights”. The party emphasized the role of peasant educational organizations: „the tremendous importance of this work, which seeks to abolish the eternal harm suffered by the neglected peasant child.” „New Liberation” persuaded the peasants that they should abandon their rivalry with the Communists and Socialists. The aim was to cooperate on equal terms. But, the idea of „New Liberation” to partially represent the interests of the village in the parliament was unreal. The „liberators” failed to notice the insincerity in PPR policy. The aim of this article is to recall the main activities of the Polish Peasant Party “New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament.
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This paper is focused on the development of the model of political culture of the citizens of Macedonia, during the so called transitional period, with a special focus to the issue of ethnic identities and identities in general, as they were determined by the changes of the general value matrix. Data from the latest research done on political culture and identities (June – September, 2010) will be presented and compared to some previous researches. The focus is on the questions: is Macedonian society really multicultural, and if it is, is that a burden or a contribution to its members? The paper analyses the ethnic environment, the ethnic distance and the perception of self-identities of the citizens.
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North Macedonia insists on an adjective without an adjective.
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The article discusses the so-called “traditional Russian-Serbian friendship”. This relationship between the two states is assessed as an “invention of tradition”. The contribution examines changes in Serbian society during the 1990s which brought about a new turn towards Russia. In the mental maps that had emerged in the context of new ethno-nationalism during the late1980s, the West had initially been central and served as evidence of an allegedly original love of freedom on the part of the Serbian people. This map stood in contrast to the other republics of former Yugoslavia that were seemingly “infested” by the Vatican and Germanophilia. The experience of sanctions imposed on Serbia in 1992 and the refusal to reflect on this experience led to a re-orientation of existing mental maps. The fixation on Russia had the function to spare individuals the question of responsibility for crisis and war. Even today, this mental map serves as a relieving function in Serbia and it is increasingly coming to the fore.
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This article deals with the problems of the sens of the application of the concept of constitutional identity in constitutional jurisprudence. The author of this article analyzes the notion of constitutional identity, elaborated in constitutional jurisprudence, which is linked with the distinction in the constitutional system the hard core of values and principles, which are traditional for such state and which are no changeable or have special protection against amendments. The elements of constitutional identity play tha role of “supporting structures” of the constitutional system and their change will be a change of this all constitutional system. The emergence of the new notion always provokes discussions. Representatives of legal doctrine discuss about using of this concept, its importance and its mission. They analyse from different points the decisions of Constitutional Courts of Germany, France, Belgium, Poland or the Czech Republic and other states, in which this concept is used. Lithuanian Constitutional Court with two decisions of 26 January 2014 and 11 July 2014 joined this groupe of constitutional courts. The formation of this notion is related to the concept of the axiological system of the constitution and its axiological interpretation. It should be noted that the added value of this new concept is linked to the strengthening of constitutional review of constitutional amendments and protection of the model of relations between constitutional system and European Union law. Constitutional identity accomplishes internal and external functions. The purpose of internal functions (function) is protection of the constitution against the anticonstitutional amendments that can destroy the all constitutional system. It is the function of conciliation between stability of the constitutional system (the constitutional systeme must remain itself) and dynamics (the necessary changes). The external functions (function) protect the constitutional system against external invasions to the constitutional system, and specifically for the field of european integration this function means protection of the balance in the functioning of the model of interaction between the national constitutional system and European Union law.
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In this paper we are dealing with the identity of Europe and its interdependence with typically European relationship towards the otherness, be it the concrete others, or otherness as such. The European identity springs from the same context from which emerges philosophic-theoretical thinking and that is the reason why for those who embody and represent it, it cannot be accepted and adopted as a contingent giveness, but instead must be reflexively constituted. The principal thesis of this survey is that due to reason’s difficulties to provide its perfect theoretical foundation, the problem in constituting European identity also arises.
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The joint run of the Most–Híd and the SMK–MKP party at the next parliamentary elections is an issue of concern not only to a significant part of the Hungarian public in Slovakia, but, beyond doubt, to many Slovaks too. The main obstacle to the joint run is the hostility between large groups within the two parties. So they see each other not only as opponents but enemies that must be eradicated.
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It takes patriotism, national consciousness is also needed, attachment to national symbols created by sacrifices Romanians is required. Our national flag must be a symbol of sacredness, the very pride of being Romanian.
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Because of the incoherence and lack of definition of the notion of "Europe", it is differently culturally constructed in the strategies of identity construction of European societies - transitional ones in particular. This analysis concentrates on the elements of public discursive practices on Europe, and looks at the presence, or lack thereof, and working circumstances of such a catalyst of post-socialist nation-building in Serbia.
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Between EU and non-EU, Great Britain remains an insulated but vocal actor among the European States. Europe needs Britain, but there is a perpetual debate on the right kind of tie which could help the two partially convergent partners to stay together. The British exception is a recurrent item. The recent past of the European history provides us with explanatory elements tracing back the peculiar relationship of Britain with the continental partner. In the light of this recent past, Brexit seems to be the peak on a continuum line and not such a surprising advent.
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Romanian modernization meant for the Romanian left, as well, a search among the European forms, for the selection of the most offering ones, in terms of country’s development and progress. During the first part of the 20th century, socialism was a promising European political form: the idea that the unavoidable finalities of history and modern politics are the socialist development, socialist consciousness and the socialist regime were an essential part of the newest trends expressing the transforming spirit of the epoch and this idea passed as indisputable truth for a sizable and heterogeneous mass of what we would call now “disenfranchised”. Idealism was combined with the pragmatic socialist drive for change. A powerful socialist feeling animating change and political struggle was idealist and indicated that “ideas are immortal and cannot be deterred as a water that cannot be stopped by dams and water stops” and, “as a struggling water force it could not have been impeded by armies, calumnies or jail”, “passing through forward and transforming society” (I. C. Frimu). This emphasizes the aspects of transformation and struggle were both present in the socialist trend and they have evolved as well together, in socialism, and separately in social-democracy and, respectively, in syndicalism. The socialist ideas grow and mature in the same rhythm as the socialist consciousness and a Romanian political and economic environment to which the socialist actions and opinions answer specifically both by relating to the internationalism of the socialist ideas and to the problems of development and modernization that are characteristic to the Romanian national state. Within the political discourse of the left, the theme of the authenticity of Romanian socialism stands out as a stake of national modernity.
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It is said that thoughts, wishes and acts define our fortune. Usually, person lives unreflectively, spending one’s time ungifted, making mistakes and checking one too late. Life gets over fast. Probably it is reason of hankering to ancient wisdom and wish to comprehend the science of life, to help oneself and other people.
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The purpose of the article is to outline the meaning of cultural identity, disclosure of the correlation of cultural, religious and artistic components of the identification process. The research highlights the role of mental culture, including religious art, in formation of self-consciousness and self-affirmation of the nation in the civilizational progress Ukraine. The mental influence of orthodoxy as a religious pivot in the formation of national cultural identity is also noted. The methodology of the exploration was manifested in using cultural approach to the concept of identity, the dialectical methods of analysis, synthesis, comparison, simile, which made it possible to detach the range of problems. The scientific novelty consists in that it clarifies the cultural concept of identity in the context of the worldview, religious, and aesthetic measurements. The understanding of the mental influence of Ukrainian orthodoxy on the formation of the national content of cultural identity also deepens in the article. Conclusions. It was substantiated that the creation of the Ukrainian State-political identity, focusing on the joint future existence while preserving and development of the ethnic, cultural and religious identities can significantly promote to strengthening social unity of the country, society, significantly strengthen the State.
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Statistički, većina knjižničara su žene, a većina knjižničarki imaju obitelj s djecom. Zašto bi supruga majka većinu svojeg vremena posvetila struci -knjižničarstvo? Moguće i iz razloga što je struka knjižničarstvo značenjski bremenita atributima majčinstva koje uvijek skrbi za svoje o kojima brine i za koje strepi.
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Problem setting. At the present stage of the nation, the problem of subject determination of the Ukrainian national idea becomes more urgent and requires understanding both in society and in the scientific community. Recent research and publications analysis. The problems of research of the Ukrainian national idea are mainly focused on generalizing the historical experience of the Ukrainian state-building through the prism of forming the national idea and understanding the process of formation and content of the Ukrainian national idea. Paper objective. The purpose of the study is to clarify the substantive certainty of the Ukrainian national idea at the present stage of nationalization. The following tasks are solved for its realization: to follow the meaningful evolution of the concept «Ukrainian national idea», to define its historical connotations. Paper main body. It is found that the formation of the Ukrainian national idea begins in parallel with the processes of nationalization - already in the 16-17 centuries. The first attempts were made to formulate the outline of the national idea of the Ukrainians, however, the active search for the formula of the Ukrainian national idea dates back to the 19 century. public associations of the first quarter of the twentieth century, especially during the Ukrainian Revolution. It is proved that with the gaining of independence there is a kind of Renaissance of the Ukrainian national idea, which took place against the background of the revival of national traditions of the Ukrainian people, the achievement of its spiritual unity. It has been found out that the national idea is a moving, dynamic phenomenon that reflects the common interest, the common needs of the nation and the representation of the nation’s representatives about the complex of means necessary for its progressive and sustainable development. Such means are an effective socio-economic management system based on political, economic, legal, moral subsystems. The worldviews of such a system are conceptualized through the identification of priority national values and interests. Conclusions of the research. It is determined that in the current realities the Ukrainian national idea emerges as a key opinion on understanding the nature of the nation and its prospects, as a program of actions for the future, assimilation and preservation of the achievements of the past, its historical, traditional institutions, as scientifically grounded, consolidated, innovative and integration directions contemporaries in worldview, motivational and other spiritual and informational and temporal dimensions. It is emphasized that the Ukrainian national idea also contains a teleological aspect, since it serves as a kind of purpose for nationalization.
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This interview with Martin van Bruinessen records his personal and intellectual engagement with Alevis in Turkey and the Netherlands for over fifty years. Initially, his interest was in Anatolian Alevi culture and he began exploring the religious dimension of Alevism in the 1970s at a time when Alevis were more preoccupied with left-wing politics. He charts the emergence of Alevism studies since the 1980s and links it to the religious resurgence and reinvention of diverse ethno-religious Alevi identities associated with urbanised and diasporic communities. He further examines the relationship between Kurdish and Alevi movements and Alevism and Islam.
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When considering the issues related to the fi ght for women’s political it is not possible to disregard some of the most important factors determining the level of women’s participation in political life. As regards scientifi c discussion on the presence of women in government roles, the most frequently cited reason contributing to lesser representation of women are biological, social, ideological, structural, cultural, religious and economic factors. 100 years have passed and women, who account for slightly more than a half of the Polish society, still have too low representation in the parliament, in many cases their salaries are lower than those of men at similar positions, they play specifi c social and professional roles assigned on the grounds of sex, and still some people try to marginalize them professionally and deprive of their freedoms. The aim of this text is to analyze premises for the establishing of the Association of Congress of Women and results achieved over the past ten years. The main objectives adopted for purpose of the text include the verifi cation of demands set by the Association and their implementation, and the analysis of its activity in terms of socio-political changes. Content analysis was used as the method.
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Recently, the most important reasons for the influence the Islamophobia has arisen from the radicalization of Islam and Islam to be caricaturized as if it supports the oppression of women. This situation resulting from misunderstanding and transmission of Islam, is similar to the internalization of feminism based upon prejudice. A Muslim woman who live in the West does not only struggle with incorrect religious doctrines, but also sociological prejudgments. This article rejects the anti-misogyny that has been identified with Islam which resulted from ignorance and prejudice about Islam and the perception of gendered Islamophobia in the West in order to reveal the effects of Islamophobia on women and to find solutions.
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