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Boomul tehnologic, înregistrat la finele mileniului II și începutul mileniului III, a determinat mutații majore, fără precedent în modul în care oamenii comunică, interrelaționează și interacționează pe toate palierele vieții personale, sociale sau profesionale. Invențiile tehnologice și gadgeturile s-au infiltrat subtil, insesizabil, dar indispensabil în realitatea cotidiană. Articolul își propune să analizeze în ce măsură aplicații, softuri, site-uri web, special create pentru realizarea și diseminarea de conținut (în format audio, video, text etc.) social media între membrii unor grupuri sociale, pot reprezenta provocări sau oportunități pentru procesele specifice de intelligence.
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Articolul de faţă propune o trecere în revistă a următoarelor aspecte: acţiunile Federaţiei Ruse care au modelat contextul european de securitate în ultimii ani; motivul principal al acestor acţiuni pe Flancul Estic al NATO şi măsurile luate de Alianţa Nord-Atlantică, ca reacție la agresiunea Rusiei împotriva Ucrainei în 2014, ajungând la a ne pune întrebarea legitimă dacă măsurile de descurajare şi apărare luate la nivel aliat până în prezent sunt de ajuns să asigure securitatea colectivă pentru toţi aliaţii de pe Flancul Estic. Prin prisma devierii statutului Rusiei de partener NATO la cel de stat cu postură agresivă pe Flancul Estic aliat, cu scopul de a recăpăta puterea pe care odinioară a deţinut-o, precum şi a demersurilor sale împotriva Georgiei, Ucrainei şi Republicii Moldova, lucrarea de faţă ajunge la concluzia necesităţii unei strategii clare a NATO împotriva acţiunilor asertive ale Rusiei la frontiera de est a Alianţei.
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Încă din cele mai vechi timpuri, popoarele dornice de extindere și de adaptare rapidă și-au dezvoltat strategii și capabilități de cucerire, colonizând diferite zone de pe globul pământesc. Pentru acest lucru, a trebuit ca popoarele respective să-și dezvolte, în primul rând, capabilități expediționare și autonome, cu posibilitatea de a se deplasa pe distanțe foarte mari, pentru perioade lungi de timp. Asemănător se întâmplă și în zilele noastre. Există state care au aceste capabilități foarte bine dezvoltate, implementând, în același timp, strategii pentru a obține, într-un timp scurt și cu pierderi minime, accesul operațional într-o anumită zonă sau teatru de operații. Dezvoltarea acestor capabilități este extrem de costisitoare, astfel că, anumite state, care nu își permit sau care nu și-au propus acest lucru, au început să dezvolte strategii care să împiedice obținerea accesului operațional al adversarului către propriul teritoriu. Una dintre aceste strategii, dezvoltată în special de China și Rusia, este denumită de către NATO antiacces/interdicție zonală sau, prescurtat, A2/AD.
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Cercetarea științifică în domeniul securității este îngreunată, în mod special, în cazul forțelor și serviciilor de securitate din cadrul Uniunii Europene. Dificultățile asociate cercetării în domeniul securității sunt, în principal, legate de faptul că UE nu este un stat în sine, nu deține armată proprie, poliție, pompieri sau echipe de intervenție ori alte servicii de securitate. Prin urmare, cercetarea științifică asupra activităților forțelor de securitate din UE trebuie să fie diferită de cercetarea științifică realizată de un anumit stat membru al Uniunii. Intenția noastră este aceea de a contribui la cercetarea desfășurată în acest domeniu, în special în ceea ce privește participarea armatei și poliției la operațiile Uniunii Europene, în cadrul Politicii de Securitate și Apărare Comună.
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Reason(s) for writing and research problem(s): Previous research on post-war society emphasized structural violence with subsequent reconciliation processes. Aims of the paper (scientific and/or social): Researchers have focused on the importance of narratives, but they have neither highlighted narratives about reconciliation nor analyzed conditions for reconciliation in post-war interviews. One aim of the article is analyzing markers for reconciliation and implacability, the second is describing conditions for reconciliation which are actualized in those stories. Methodology/Design: This article analyzes retold experiences of 27 survivors from the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1992 and 1995. The material for the study was gathered through qualitative interviews with 27 individuals who survived the war in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina. Research/paper limitations: Interactive dynamics which prevailed during the war associate post-war reconciliation with the wartime. Results/Findings: These stories of reconciliation, implacability and conditions for reconciliation, are not created in relation to the war as a whole only but also in relation to one’s own and other’s personal actions during the war.
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An interview with Linas Linkevičius, a Lithuanian politician and diplomat and former foreign minister (2012 – 2020). Interviewers: Adam Reichardt and Maciej Makulski.
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The state capacity for the fight against terrorism can not be discussed without taking into consideration changes in the contemporary society and the politics. Considering its global presence, the terorism is also a subject to the international law. Therefore, when it comes to prevention and reaction to the terrorism, the countries around the world have to abide by the terms of the international law. Concerning terrorism and other forms of violence, the countries should continously work on developing and upgrading its prevention systems. The premise is that, every country already has such a system in place, however, in order to bring the fight against terrorism to the next level, it also has to search for possible causes of terrorism. The paper discusses some of the key functional mechanisms of prevention such as border police, the customs, control of money and goods flow, yet it does not overlook direct and indirect effect of indoctrination via educational institutions. Conclusion is that, spreading of terrorism ideology can be stopped by developing and strenghtening democratic values, in spite of poverty and societal differences.
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Terrorism is as old as human history. Over time, terrorism has acquired different forms and has developed a series of strategies to achieve its goals. Islamist terrorism started to develop from the 80s of the twentieth century. Al-Qaeda emerged during the time of the war in Afghanistan (1979-1989) and during the 90s its development took place. In the beginning, ISIS was al-Qaeda's branch in Irak. After the September 2001 attacks, the image of international terrorism started to be associated with the jihadist movements. Nowadays al-Qaeda and ISIS are two of the most iconic jihadist movements. Although they share common values and principles, since 2011 the tensions between them began to intensify, and in 2014 the two organizations broke up. The separation of the two organizations caused a breakdown in the global jihadist movement and, at the same time, an ongoing struggle for supremacy emerged. This article analyzes the causes that led to the separation of the two organizations. The analysis of the causes and motivations that influenced the fracture between al-Qaeda and ISIS was made with process tracing. Process tracing is one of the most used research methodologies in social sciences, and it focuses on analyzing the causes that led to the materialization of an event, and not just to their description. Our findings show that there were multiple causes which led to the fracture between al-Qaeda and ISIS. These include the lack of subordination of ISIS to al-Qaeda, the degree of violence used in the strategies of the two organizations, or the inability to identify which enemy should be eliminated first. Our analysis shows that divergent opinions, different strategies and personal ambitions can distract attention from reaching a common ideal. The split between the two organizations does not increase al-Qaeda and ISIS's chances of achieving their goals.
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Deterrence is both a theoretical branch of the theory of international relations and security studies, and a practical strategy used by states (and sometimes non-state actors) to manage conflicts and crises. Given the special role it plays in regional and international security issues, military, and politics, deterrence has long been an object of interest to scholars as well as the military, politicians, and diplomats. To analyse deterrence in regional conflicts, one must begin with a brief typology of the elements and mechanism of deterrence in general, and only then see how they can be applied to regional conflicts. Deterrence can rely on conventional weapons or weapons of mass destruction (WMD). In regional conflicts without direct involvement of nuclear superpowers, the most applicable scenario is that of deterrence with conventional weapons, i.e. conventional deterrence. However, the use of conventional deterrence in regional conflicts has not been covered by political science in great detail. Therefore, from academic and practical perspectives, it is important to clarify the conceptual aspects for a more precise theoretical understanding and subsequent discussions applicable to some regional conflicts, including the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
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Rumiyah is a classic example of the effects of that globalization has and of the relationship that appears between mass media and terrorism. Terrorist groups have always been concerned about the degree of loyalty of its members, on the one hand, and attracting new supporters, on the other. In this direction they have developed successful editorial projects. One of these editorial projects is Rumiyah magazine. Using the content analysis method, this article is a monographic analysis of the twelve issues of Rumiyah magazine. The main purpose of this approach is to understand the narrative discourse of the terrorist group and the way its identity is constructed.
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In the past few years, the Russian Federation has become a central point on the security agenda of the most important international actors due to its aggressive foreign policy, proven by its latest actions (the illegitimate annexation of Crimea, the actions conducted in Syria and so on). However, by comparison with the Cold War era, Russia has developed new mechanisms to gain power and influence on regional and international level, demonstrating that it can and has the willingness to become the powerful actor that used to be before the Cold War and the fall of the Communist Block by building an empire able to stop the expansion of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization. Thus, the aim of this paper is to analyse (through instruments like discourse and content analysis and literature review) the methods used by the Russian state to conduct remote wars, without taking responsibility for its actions. Moreover, the article will try to identify the role of the Russian propaganda machine in developing Kremlin’s foreign policy, as well as in defining the concept of hybrid warfare as a new form of confrontation.
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In an age where information means power, combat with weapons from the battlefields seems to have moved online. The main tools that actors use in the information battle are the same as those used hundreds of years ago - propaganda and disinformation, but the place in which they are promoted have been transformed due to technological developments. Now, the virtual environment and especially social media have become extremely attractive areas for those who want to promote fake messages in order to influence or mislead the opponent. Since 2011, with the anti-government protests in Russia, the Kremlin has invested heavily in the social media area, transforming it into an essential component of its information campaigns for the control, monitoring and influence of the virtual environment. Among the favorite targets of the actions subordinated to the information operations commanded from Moscow are the states in the immediate vicinity of the Russian colossus, respectively the states of Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Baltic states and Belarus, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, as well as the former communist states of Central Europe and of the East, including Romania. In the Romanian media, Sputnik Moldova-Romania is seen as the symbol of Russian propaganda. Not few were the cases in which journalists and Romanian experts proved how texts published on the news platform were created or cosmetized in order to mislead or generate favorable feelings for Moscow among readers. The Sputnik news agency, respectively its platform in Romanian, is one of the main promoters of Kremlin propaganda messages in the public space in Romania. This paper analyzes the way in which the most important representative of Russian propaganda in the local media acts in relation to Romanian online communities on the Twitter micro-blogging platform. In this regard, the activity of the Russian news agency's account has been assessed from a dual point of view: network analysis - how users coagulate around it and what are the characteristics of its ecosystem; content analysis – what are the main lines and messages diffused on the Twitter platform.
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Прежде всего, это государственная граница между Россией и Абхазией. В чем особенность этой границы? В том, что ее политическое содержание как разделительной линии между двумя суверенными независимыми государствами вызывает много вопросов. Как известно, суверенитет Абхазии не признан, большая часть населения Абхазии — граждане России, у государства есть свое правительство, но нет своей валюты, непонятно, как формируется бюджет и так далее. Де-юре граница остается территориальным рубежом между Россией и Грузией, де-факто по своему характеру и практикам пересечения сейчас она больше похожа на хорошо укрепленную в силу необходимости, но, тем не менее, внутреннюю границу, отделяющую непредсказуемую, но бесспорную зону влияния России, «почти Россию», от формально российских территорий.
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One of the oldest and most profitable railways of the Russian Empire, the Warsaw-Vienna Railway, connected Warsaw with Germany and Austria-Hungary and had a European gauge (except the Kalisz line). In 1912 the railroad was bought by the government to become state-owned. Due to its geographical location, it almost immediately appeared in the area of hostilities once World War I broke out and was forced to adapt to new conditions. In the first month of the war, the main battles took place on the flanks of Russian Poland (in East Prussia and Galicia), but by September with the beginning of the Battle of the Vistula, the Warsaw-Vienna line was in the very center of the confrontation between the Russian and the German/Austro-Hungarian armies. Approaching the suburbs of Warsaw, the Germans were forced to withdraw to their original positions. When retreating, the German army completely destroyed not only the track and bridges, but also the water supply, station buildings, etc. The military situation required the speedy restoration of the railway for the needs of the Russian army, which was difficult given the European gauge of the Warsaw-Vienna line. However, the skillful actions of military transport commanders, as well as the civilian administration, allowed the restoration of traffic. By early November, traffic from Warsaw to the front line was restored.
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This article explores demographical processes during the Great Patriotic War in the southern regions of the RSFSR: in the Krasnodar Krai and Ordzhonikidze (Stavropol) Krai, Rostov Oblast, Stalingrad Oblast, and Astrakhan Oblast. The study is based on published and archival documents from the Central Statistical Administration under the Council of Ministers of the USSR Fund in the Russian State Archive of Economics. Demographic dynamics in the southern regions of the RSFSR in 1941–1945 had common features with the main demographic trends elsewhere in the RSFSR and the USSR. This was a deterioration in indicators of natural reproduction in the second half of 1941–1942: a decrease in the birth rate and an increase in mortality, including that of children, and a decrease in natural growth in the first half of 1942. At the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943, the main trends in demographic dynamics changed: the birth rate stabilized at an extremely low level, followed by slow growth, and mortality decreased markedly in comparison with 1942. Regions in the south of the RSFSR differed by more significant scales of population decrease and directly irretrievable losses. The reasons for this were not only the loss of mobilized cohorts, but also demographic consequences of evacuation and Nazi occupation. After occupation, the population of the southern Russian regions amounted to 60–70 % of the pre-war level.
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The article discusses the limited intelligence capabilities of the gendarmerie departments of the Warsaw Governor General (Lomzinska, Warsaw, Kielce, Lublin, and Radom provinces) in the fight against German and Austrian spies in the second half of 1914 and the first half of 1915. One reason for the secret police’s lack of readiness is the reluctance of the gendarmerie-police authorities to organize counter-response work on an appropriate basis. The rare, fragmentary, and not always valuable information received by agents of the investigating authorities did not allow the gendarmes to organize full-scale and successful operational work on a subordinate territory to identify hidden enemies of the state. The low potential, and, in some cases, the complete uselessness of secret service personnel for the interests of the military wanted list led to the fact that most politically disloyal persons were accidentally identified by other special services. In most cases, spies were detected either due to information from army intelligence and counterintelligence agencies, or due to the vigilance of military personnel of the advanced units of the Russian army. The authors conclude that the gendarmerie departments were unable to organize a systematic operational escort of military personnel of the Russian armies deployed in the Warsaw Military District. Despite the fact that the duty of the gendarmerie police included not only criminal procedures, but also operational searches, there was no qualified identification of spies with the help of secret officers.
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Very often, we use the concept of peace and its various derivatives, most often in the form of an ideal to which we aspire. In a broader political context, we understand this concept in terms of absence of conflict, violence and war between nations and states; in a social context, in terms of the stability of relations among different social classes, or in a psychological context, in terms of striving for inner harmony and contentment. Peace is always desirable and is often associated with religion, which is either given credit to its establishment or blamed for its absence. This paper attempts to analyse the role and responsibility of Islam in the peace-building process. It analyzes whether the absence of peace is the result of the proper use or abuse of religion, who is responsible for possible abuses, and how religion could help in case of disturbance of the peace. In search of answers, the paper also offers a review of the notion of peace in the fundamental sources of Islam.
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In the past century, Kazakhstan has suffered a great social, cultural and physical destruction. Their country was occupied by the Soviets. The regime committed genocide against the people. He punished them with starvation and exile. They took their goods by force. There was almost a scarlet famine in the country. As a result of these horrific events, the Kazakh population decreased greatly. Hundreds of villages were wiped from the map. They were replaced by Russian people.
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