![КОМПЛЕТНО ИЗДАЊЕ КЊИГА XXIII. БРОЈ 5. 1931](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_1931_25846.jpg)
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A conversation with Andor Kovács, President of the National Committee in Csurgó district
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Im vergangenen Herbst sprachen Vertreter der französischen Zeitschrift L’Alternative in Ost- Berlin mit einigen Frauen, die in einer unabhängigen Frauengruppe gemeinsam arbeiten. Wir veröffentlichen Auszüge aus diesen Protokollen.
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Die immer wieder beschworene Konfrontation der Großmächte, die Rüstungseskalation und die Zunahme der politischen Spannungen sind eindeutig eine Folge der sozioökonomischen Antagonismen in den modernen westlichen und östlichen Gesellschaften. Als Hauptquelle wachsender Unsicherheit wirken dabei die globalen Mechanismen der Kapitalverwertung, welche die Rüstungsproduktion, ein ausbeuterisches Verhältnis zur Natur und imperialistisches Herrschaftsstreben anheizen. Diese Mechanismen sind nicht anonym, im Sinne eines allgemeinen Schuldzusammenhanges, sondern Kennzeichen spätkapitalistischer Klassenherrschaft. Täter und Opfer sind nicht identisch.
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Eine Neubewertung der Ereignisse der ungarischen Revolution 1956 wird notwendig sein: Die traditionellen Chroniken beschränken sich auf eine reine Darstellung der Ereignisse vom 25. Oktober bis zum 4. November. Bestenfalls die Vorgeschichte des Aufstandes ist ihnen noch einer Erwähnung wert, nach den wenigen Tagen des militärischen Widerstandes im Gefolge der zweiten Sowjetintervention in den Morgenstunden des 4. November brechen sie ab.
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An interview with Sándor Rácz
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This article’s intention is to frame the debate on the role of the international community and the European Union in the Western Balkans. The article deals mostly with the historical facts in concepts that were developed in the Balkans; starting with the role of the Ottoman empire, which traces can be found in the Balkans still today and going through the bloody 20th century wars – from WWI and WWII to the Balkan wars, which deeply penetrated the modern structure and thinking in, on and about the Western Balkans. The article finishes with a short analysis of the international community’s activities in the Western Balkans that presents the pillars for the following debate in the following articles.
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The deterioration of the security climate in Eastern Europe is likely to validate the hypothesis of reopening the rites of succession at the end of the Cold War. The proliferation of hybrid conflicts and the birth of a new type of asymmetrical threat can be thus correlated with a process of militarisation of globalisation. The article assumes that the main feature of hybrid threats from the most recent history refers to the rising influence of non-state actors and only in the alternative to the emergence of new formulas of power projection, based on non-military or subversive means. The study proposes a brief look at the security landscape in the area of the two major blocs – NATO and the Russia Federation, in relation to the phenomenon of hybrid conflicts. An approach from the angle of geopolitical theory may prove itself to be useful both from the perspective of the ability to identify the main tendencies of evolution and through the possibility to integrate them in the wide logic of processes regarding arms and militarisation of globalisation.
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The unification of Basarabia with Romania led to increasing anti-Romanian propaganda carried out by the internal and external forces that opposed to the decision democratically adopted by the legitimate representatives of the inhabitants of Basarabia at 27 March/9 April 1918. Agents from the East or among the local population tried to lead Basarabians into believing that the Romanian authorities opposed the reforms, especially the agrarian reform and the universal suffrage. The leaders of the Basarabian Romanians and the civil and military representatives of the Romanian state made significant efforts to eliminate the effects of the anti-Romanian propaganda theses. Unfortunately, many of these theses are still used today in the media and online, highlighting the negative aspects of the Romanian presence in Basarabia at that time and deliberately ignoring the martyrdom of the Romanians from Basarabia during the Soviet occupations.
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Report on conference "Rat i demokracija: srednjoeuropske demokracije pod pritiskom", held at University of Dubrovnik, from 28th to 29th of September 2023.
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Review of: Mykola Davydiuk, Як працює путінська пропаганда? (How Does Putin’s propaganda work?) Smoloskyp, 2019, 208 pp.
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After the World War II, approximately 11,700 Latvians were held in the prisoners-of-war (POW) camp near Zedelgem, Belgium. In 2018, a monument was unveiled in Zedelgem, commemorating both Latvian POWs and freedom in all its manifestations. However, a few years later the monument was caught in a crossfire of conflicting political interests and social memories. This article intends to explain the issues with the Zedelgem camp by looking at the structure and biographical details of the Latvian POWs and exploring how the tension around the Zedelgem monument were created. The composition of the Latvian soldiers imprisoned in the Zedelgem camp suggests that a very small part of these POWs could be associated with German-organized war crimes in Latvia and other territories. The article explains why the advocates of the monument – the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia and local history enthusiasts of Zedelgem – failed to reframe the history of Latvian POWs. In this controversy, the accusing memory activists outnumbered and outperformed the advocates, thus quickly creating an international resonance around the monument. This “memory war”, among other things, sends a clear message to Latvian diplomats that the history of World War II in Europe has not disappeared from international relations.
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The European Union (EU) is a regional player that aims to strengthen its global status by becoming involved more actively and effectively in maintaining peace and stability in the world. In the EU vision, conflict resolution methods should be peaceful, the organisation choosing to respond to violence through mediation and dialogue and not through military force. Since the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine, the EU has sent its representatives to assist it in the difficult situations it has been experiencing. Various instruments have been involved in solving the crisis, such as restrictive, diplomatic, economic measures merged with mediating and facilitating dialogue.
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The author addresses the issue of a possible cut-off of gas supplies from Russia in the wake of the Ukraine crises, pointing out that EU member states’ reliance on and exposure to Russia on energy supplies has critical national security implications. First, he writes that Moscow’s resort to force implies to consumers that they may be wise to take active steps to further diversify their gas supplies and drastically reduce their exposure to Russia. Then, he mentions the expected consequences of a hypothetical complete cut-off of gas supplies to Europe in 2015. Moreover, he mentions the critical vulnerabilities that are particularly worrying from Moscow’s perspective in the event that such a cut-off did happen. He concludes by adding that the Ukraine crisis may herald a new chapter in transatlantic energy strategies and prove to be a reverse “Arab Oil Embargo” moment in the energy history of the transatlantic alliance.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina have progressed extremely well in the last few years on its path towards the European Union. The latest success was represented by the opening of the accession negotiations after they successfully improved their compliance with the political criteria. But their EU membership is still far away, and they need to confront major challenges. The goal of this paper is to analyze the level of community security by looking at the influence of identity politics in both the internal political life of Bosnia and the European Union's state-building strategy during Ursula von der Leyen’s Commission. This paper answers the question of a new Dayton Agreement to be worked upon by the political leadership from BiH and together with the European incentives. By looking at the rhetoric of several levels of leadership in both national and European dimensions, this paper outlines the impact of ethnic discrimination as the key factor that affects the European integration process. As a result, it could be argued that if BiH wants to achieve membership, it clearly needs to create a new constitutional framework that goes beyond ethnic narratives, reduces the interests of political elites, and needs the support of actors such as the High Representative.
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The need for Romania to define its policy, strategy and military doctrine in as clear as possible terms, based on its interests, is in line with the concern of the Romanian state to capitalise at the highest level on its geostrategic potential. Knowing and implementing doctrines as reference documents for planning and conducting military actions, especially at joint level, determine the understanding of the principles of employing the armed forces in relation to the regional, national and international context. Starting with the last decade of the 20th century, the evolution of the global security environment has determined fundamental transformations of armed forces mission configuration, in spite of the fact that, at the beginning of the ‘90s, the theories of political and military analysts victoriously proclaimed the relaxation of international relations and the final triumph of peace over war, pledging profound chances of success for the negotiations regarding the cease of arms race.
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US strategy before the outbreak of hostilities in Ukraine was complex and difficultto clearly assess. In the tense international situation in which they found themselves afterAfghanistan withdrawal and Trump presidency, United States tried to overcome new challenge related to Russia’s aggressive goals against Ukraine. This paper conducts a detailed analysis of the US strategy towards the Ukrainian crisis in the lead-up to the Russian invasion, with the aim of evaluating its effectiveness.US approach focused on two separate goals: attempt to deter Russia from attack, and care for containment of the conflict in Ukraine and lack of its further escalation. Strategy prepared and implemented by Biden administration was subordinated to the hard task of balancing these two goals.
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This article explores the origins of the Western Sahara conflict, and the contrasting interpretations of the factors which have kept it as an unresolved conflict after Spanish forces withdrew in 1975. This article shows how Algeria and Morocco continue to disagree on even the most basic facts of the dispute's history, and suggests that the continuation of the dispute is the result of conflicting models of statehood and historical narratives. Also, it explores ways in which developing concepts within political geography have contributed to understanding the ongoing significance of the region for all the parties to the conflict. Additionally, this paper argues that the contemporary contours of the Western Sahara conflict cannot be seen divorced from the larger geopolitical and balance of power developments in the Maghreb region. Algeria- Morocco relations in general and the Western Sahara conflict in particular are not only influenced by the local political, security and social dynamics, but also by the larger systemic and sub-systemic imperatives.
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