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Međnarodni položaj Srbije i SR Jugoslavije i dalje je izuzetno složen i nepovoljan. Karakteriše ga: – Ukupno i veliko zaostajanje za promenama do kojih je došlo u svetu i posebno u Evropi, pa čak i pružanje otpora oficijalne i srpske politike (ali ne samo nje) tim promenama. Propuštene su godine i vreme, u kojima je trebalo da se izvrši usklađivanje kako spoljne politike i međunarodnih odnosa Srbije i SRJ, tako i njihovog unutrašnjeg razvoja sa dalekosežnim i temeljnim promenama u Evropi i svetu. – Produženo odsustvo stvarne i pune normalizacije odnosa sa glavnim centrima moći u međunarodnim odnosima. Postojeći kontakti se svode i dalje na razgovore i pregovore u funkciji primene mirovnog paketa sporazuma iz Dejtona. Uz to, ovi kontakti su po pravilu inicirani od strane međunarodne zajednice, odnosno nosioca njenih obaveza proizašlih u Dejtonu, a ne na inicijativu Srbije i SRJ, pa i ne idu dalje od iznuđene "kooperativnosti" srpskojugoslovenske strane.
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Since March 2014, the Russian economy has been functioning under the impact of the sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States, the European Union and a number of other Western states in reaction to Moscow’s aggression towards Ukraine and its annexation of Crimea. The sanctions have created many restrictions on economic co-operation between the Russian Federation and Western states. The diplomatic sanctions have been the least painful economically, although they have hit Russia’s international prestige, with the exclusion of Moscow from the G8 grouping of the world’s most influential states, the suspension of its accession negotiations with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, and the decision by Western leaders to refrain from official contacts with the Russian leadership during the initial period. The sanctions have also barred Russia’s access to international finance; for example, the World Bank and all its agencies have suspended the financing of new projects in Russia, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development has taken a similar decision. The Russian economy has also faced sectorial sanctions, such as limits on access to capital markets for the largest state-owned banks in Russia and several state-owned oil and defence companies. The ban also covered exports of arms and dual-purpose materials to Russia, as well as selected technologies and services in the oil extraction sector.
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The monograph addresses a hitherto neglected area in the history of the Hussite Wars – the truce agreements between the warring parties. It focuses on South Moravia, where an interesting collection of these agreements from 1427–1433 has been preserved. The author focuses on the form of these agreements and subsequently places them within the wider context of the Hussite history in the region and elsewhere. The analysis of the truce agreements as a whole extends our knowledge of the political history of the Hussite era, provides information on the history of the everyday and expands our knowledge of the topography and prosopography of Hussite South Moravia. The book includes of the documents analysed a clearly laid-out table, a map, and an appendix of photographs.
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The publication is a novel study in the field of Polish political science regarding collective representations – a category associated mainly with sociology – from the point of view of a political sphere researcher. The theoretical model adopted by the author has been used to outline and analyze the shapes of collective representations of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia in the difficult period of protracted economic crisis and the accumulation of further political problems. The in-depth diagnosis of ordinary people's feelings about the reality that surrounds them has led to the ascertainment that, over the recent years, rising problems and negative emotions have begun to predominate over optimistic premises, while maintaining stability in the region requires some more determined and well-thought-out actions by the international community. The monograph, written from the perspective of political science and based on qualitative data, combines the elements of other social sciences and humanities, which appeared necessary to explain the interdisciplinary category of collective representations in an integral manner. This broader view of the complicated Balkan region can contribute to improving the knowledge and understanding of it.
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Online social networks are used by everyone in our everyday lives, including by malicious actors and organisations. Previous work has characterised the specific online behaviour of Middle East-based terror groups. However, this behaviour is constantly evolving, as a response to events such as the battle of Mosul and also due to the strengthening of the platforms’ moderation rules. Terror groups target social media platforms such as Twitter, Telegram, and Discord, and while their past behavioural patterns and narrative strategies have been well documented, the adaptive nature of these groups require continuous analysis of their online presence.
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This book is based on papers presented at the conference. However, it is not a typical publication of academic conference proceedings because the topics are not completely congruent with those of the conference. Some lectures that could not be held due to travel restrictions related to the coronavirus pandemic were submitted as book contributions. In addition, I also wrote a short contribution on the Jewish history of the region, which has been often neglected in previous presentations of the region.The various authors for this volume have been intensively involved with the region in recent years. However, the authors do not only focus on the situation on the ground, but also on the international context of the autonomous administration. The conflict in Syria is no longer just a civil war, but a transnational conflict with important roles played not only by actors such as Russia or the USA, but also Turkey or Iran.Given the transnationality of the conflict and the role of the hegemonic powers, these authors share thoughtful analyses from very different perspectives. It is important to share these diverse views with the world so that the tragic conflict might become more comprehensible. This does not mean, however, that I necessarily advocate each particular position taken by the varied contributors to this book. The intent is to offer you multiple perspectives and certainly not a common narrative.
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Ako perspektive sociologije u Bosni i Hercegovini ovise o njenom mjestu u obrazovnom sustavu, na sveučilištu, i od empirijskih istraživanja, onda su perspektive sociologije vrlo slabašne. Zato ne iznenađuje da imamo tako malo istraživačkih studija o tome što se desilo i dešava s promjenama društvene svijesti među stanovništvom Bosne i Hercegovine u posljednjih dvadeset godina. A tu su, bar tako izgleda, promjene bile velike. Narodski rečeno: nevolja i pamet mijenja.
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U dva ciklusa projekta Projekt Moj zavičaj kroz vrijeme od 2013. godine do danas sudjelovalo je 120 učenika/ca iz 6 srednjih škola, 9 nastavnika i 7 partnerskih organizacija. U sklopu oba ciklusa realizirano je 28 mentoriranih učeničkih istraživanja na odabrane teme iz povijesti lokalnih zajednica u razdoblju Drugog svjetskog rata i poraća. U publikaciji koja se nalazi pred vama prezentirani su rezultati višemjesečnog rada na drugom ciklusu projekta, na kojem je sinergijski surađivalo nekoliko organizacija Documenta – Centar za suočavanje s prošlošću kao nositeljica u izvedbi projekta radila je s tri partnerske škole - Gimnazijom Dubrovnik, Srednjom školom Čakovec i Ekonomskom školom iz Pule. U svakom gradu osim škola radili smo sa organizacijama civilnog društva - ART radionicom Lazareti u Dubrovniku, Udrugom za edukaciju i promicanje ljudskih prava u Čakovcu i Istarskim povijesnim društvom u Puli.
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The large-scale Russian military intervention in Syria entered its seventh year in 2021. Major military operations seem to be halted for now and the Syrian government, together with its allies, has been able to reconquer significant portions of the country’s territory. Nevertheless, the Syrian territory continues to be fragmented and the Syrian government faces a wide range of challenges, from the collapsing economy to simmering local opposition in certain regions. Russian involvement in the conflict, and in the country more broadly, is far from over and it is still requested by the Syrian regime. Even though Russia might be involved in various power-struggles inside the Syrian governmental apparatus and economic structures and there are several important differences between Russian and Syrian visions of the future political development, the dependence of the Syrian government on Russian support means that its presence in the country is, thus far, secured.
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On 10-16 September 2021, Russia conducted the formal part of ZAPAD 2021, one in a cycle of annual military exercises which represent the culmination of training by the Russian Federation Armed Forces in a given year. As ‘Zapad’ (the Russian word for ‘west’) suggests, the exercise is centred on what Russia calls the Western strategic sector or ‘direction’. ZAPAD 2021 included Belarus. Accordingly, it was termed ‘a joint strategic exercise’, primarily to emphasise the participation of Belarus as well as that of the Russia-controlled Collective Security Treaty Organisation. ZAPAD 2021 was preceded by weeks of preparatory and associated exercises, and, as repeatedly emphasised by Russia, involved as many as 200,000 troops, drawn predominantly from Russia. ZAPAD 2021 included a powerful communication campaign in the form of messages and narratives, which this study identifies, explores, and explains. This study consists of two separate but interconnected parts: Part I looks at the exercise from the perspective of what the exercise signalled, both explicitly and implicitly. It deconstructs and groups these messages and narratives.
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Various reports that have been published by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence contain detailed analyses of Russian information influence activities, focusing mainly on technology and software. The present study contains a brief analysis of the political, financial, and legislative influence brought to bear on the Russian media environment, making it possible for the Kremlin to influence opinion domestically and to conduct special media operations against Western countries and their allies. This report is devoted to deep aspects of Russian information influence activities that have rarely been the subject of detailed studies. It is an analysis of the structure created by the Russian state to control the flow of information in the paradigm of a ‘hybrid war’ against democratic countries. The paper is presented in three parts: In the section MECHANISMS of STATE CONTROL over the MEDIA in RUSSIA, we show how control over the Russian media space has been consolidated into the hands of a few powerful individuals through transfer of ownership and mandated changes, and provide data on mergers and acquisitions involving Russia’s largest media assets and their subordination to the state. We examine the mechanisms of political influence on information producers by means of nonprofit structures and a system of personnel appointments. We provide data on state financing of Russia’s information policy at the federal and regional levels. We discuss examples of the involvement of Russian special services in state information policy, drawing on the experience of the author and on academic research.
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This research is for people who want to develop their understanding of dangers to national security that come under the umbrella of ‘hybrid threats’. Such threats involve a combination of different hostile measures, furthering an adversary’s strategic goals while occuring in the ‘grey zone’ which exists between peace, crisis and war. The report builds on our publication Hybrid Threats - A Strategic Communications perspective, which analysed 30 scenarios featuring hybrid activities by state actors. Data from the case studies is exploited further, deepening our understanding of hybrid threats and how they might be countered by applying the principles of NATO Strategic Communications. It aims to help the reader develop ways of looking at hybrid threats and then to appreciate how the Strategic Communications process might be applied at the national level. This involves understanding the information environment, then developing a plan which provides coherence to the various instruments a nation can use to leverage strategic influence. Strategic Communications is a realm which suffers from a divergence of definitional interpretations. While NATO Strategic Communications has arguably come of age, there is understandably a lack of commonality across the NATO nations as to how the term is used. Popular usage has Strategic Communications simply as being highly effective at what an organisation says. This confines communication to a narrow arena. Our report builds on NATO’s approach to Strategic Communications - a mindset or philosophy which is underpinned by process and supported by capabilities. When applied at the national level it provides a function of basic statecraft at the intersection of strategy and action.
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A publication before you is created with the aim of bringing inter-religious dialogue and the religions’ peace potential closer to youth who are involved in politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Looking at the political participation as an activity in which young people usually have a secondary role, through acting in youth forums in their political parties, in election campaigns or through civil society organizations, it appears that young people are involved in political life, however, their ideas and attitudes are not used in the best way, i.e. in decision-making bodies. the Although political participation of youth is a burning issue in our society, this publication will not directly deal with but it, but it will focus on another important topic that is often misused for political purposes - religion, or more precisely inter-religious dialogue and religions' peace potential through the perspective of young people. Religion is often covered as a topic in political life, but in a negative context, using stereotypes and prejudices in order to create an atmosphere of intolerance and gain profit for political purposes. Therefore, with this publication we will try to compensate for the lack of resources on inter-religious dialogue and the peace potential of religions and their importance for the advancement of political dialogue. The publication is intended primarily for young politicians and activists from civil society organizations who deal with issues of political responsibility and political participation. It will serve as a manual for including the peace potential of religions and inter-religious dialogue in the political engagement of youth.
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Considering that education is important for the future of young generations, during 2017 UDIK worked on the handbook From Yugoslavia to Dayton – Monuments and the culture of memory through the influence of socio-political systems. The aim of this handbook is to contribute to building a culture of memory of the population on the war events of the nineties and to the prevention of unplanned and massive construction of monuments through education about the monuments to the victims of war that were created during that time period and after it. Five experts from the fields of history, security and peace studies, political science and communication sciences participated in the creation of this handbook, namely: Edin Radušić and Amir Duranović – Faculty of Philosophy, University of Sarajevo, Nerzuk Ćurak – Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo, Amra Čusto – Cantonal Institute for the Protection of Cultural, Historical and Natural Heritage Sarajevo and Edvin Kanka Ćudić – UDIK Sarajevo. Attached to this manual is work material intended, as well as the entire manual, for all those who work with students in order to use this handbook and use specific examples to help their students better understand the monuments and the culture of memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina and beyond.
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In 2004, the Republika Srpska Government officially adopted the Report of the Commission for the Investigation of the Events in and around Srebrenica between 10th and 19th July 1995 which had officially acknowledged the involvement of Republika Srpska military and police forces in the July 1995 events in Srebrenica. The Report states, among other things, that “several thousand Bosniaks were liquidated in Srebrenica in a few days in July 1995, in a manner that represents serious violations of international humanitarian law, and that the perpetrator, among other things, took measures to conceal the crime by moving the bodies”. In August 2018, at a special session, the Republika Srpska Government repealed the 2004 Report on Srebrenica.
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The terrible suffering of Croats took place in the village of Trusina near Konjic on April 16, 1993. The soldiers of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ARBIH) attacked the village and killed 22 Croats. They were mostly civilians, including several women, and members of the HVO who surrendered because their families were captured by members of the ARBIH. The survivors, about 150 of them, were captured in a house, where they spent the night and were exchanged after two days. For the war crime in Trusina, Edin Džeko was sentenced to 13 years in prison and Rasema Handanović to five and a half years in prison.
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This publication contains a total of nine verdicts for war crimes committed in Višegrad before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Supreme Court of FB&H, which convicted Boban Šimšić, Dragan Šekarić, Miloš Pantelić, Momir Savić, Nenad Tanasković, Novo Rajak, Oliver Krsmanović, Predrag Milisavljević, Vitomir Racković and Željko Lelek. In addition to the verdicts, the book also includes a list of exhumed persons missing in the area of Višegrad.
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The Grabovica massacre refers to the murders of 33 ethnic Croat inhabitants of the village of Grabovica located between Jablanica and Mostar by members of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The massacre occurred during Operation Neretva '93, which aimed to conquer HVO-controlled areas from Bugojno to Mostar. The victims included 17 women and one child. The youngest victim was Mladenka Zadro, a four-year-old girl, and the oldest, 87-year-old Marko Marić. This publication includes three convictions for war crimes committed in the village of Grabovica, issued by the Cantonal Courts in Mostar and Sarajevo, and the Supreme Court of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They were sentenced Enes Šakrak, Haris Rajkić, Mustafa Hota, Nihad Vlahovljak, and Sead Karagić from nine to thirteen years in prison.
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This war crime occurred on March 26, 1992, when various formations mixed between Bosniaks and Croats, with the markings of Croatian military formations, crossed the Sava River from Croatia and committed a war crime against the Serb population in Sijekovac. The motive and cause of the attack on Sijekovac remains questionable to this day. Serbian sources claim that Croat-Bosniak forces killed civilians and set fire to around 50 houses in the village without any reason, while Human Rights Watch states that it could not establish allegations of massacre because it was an armed conflict between Serb and Croat-Bosniak soldiers, while which killed about 20 soldiers. Civilian casualties in that conflict occurred by accident, when the locals found themselves between two conflicting parties. In May 2014, the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina sentenced Zemir Kovačević to ten years in prison. As a member of the Intervention Platoon of the 1st Bosanski Brod Brigade, during the months of March and April 1992, and July and August of the same year, he participated in murders, torture, illegal imprisonment, forced labor, alone and with unidentified members of the HOS and the Croatian Army (HV) in the area of the municipality of Bosanski Brod.
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