Don Ivo Prodan u procijepu između talijanske okupacije i nove jugoslavenske države (1917.–1919.)

Author(s): Ante Gverić,Ante Bralić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Great political events such as was the First World War led to a metamorphosis of the political tenets of Don Ivo Prodan. On the eve of the War he was a vehement opponent of any notion about state unification with Serbia. During the War, and especially towards its end, he accepted the idea of a Yugoslavian state. It must be emphasized that Prodan’s metamorphosis was conditioned upon a radical shift in political circumstances, but it never went so far as to negate the existence of Croatianness. At the moment of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy’s destruction he accepted the idea of forming a Yugoslav state, though he never clearly defined his position on how this new state should be organized. During November 1918 he supported a decentralization of this state and its organization on republican lines, but faced with a growing and more comprehensive Italian occupation in northern Dalmatia he avoided expressing this view and accepted a monarchy under the Karađorđević dynasty. Prodan was far from any notion of an integral Yugoslavism.

CAMPAIGNING, LOBBYING, LEGISLATIVE INITIATIVES

Author(s): / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Pseudokašteli kraja 15. i prve polovine 16. stoljeća u obrani od Turaka

Author(s): Zorislav Horvat / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

During the second half of the 15th century, after the main Ottoman raids in the southern parts of Croatia and the eastern parts of Slavonia, the fortifications were constructed either to improve already existed strongholds or as truly new ones. Among those fortification undertakings the very small strongholds were also constructed and their main goal was to prevent the raids of the Ottoman akinci. Those small strongholds were constructed as reduced-in-size Renaissance castles throughout Croatia and Slavonia. They were not the only small strongholds, because various watchtowers (čardak) were also constructed during that period, but it seems that the lesser nobility mostly accepted these small strongholds because they were also suitable for living. Built on a small scale and in the late medieval customs, they actually served their purpose for a while. As it seems, the most important part of these small pseudo-castles was circular defense-tower, which purpose was military as well as residential. The rationality in construction is very obvious. Their ground-plan was reduced to the most similar shapes (circle or roller), while many architectural details were made in wood by local craftsmen. The appearance of that wooden upgrade can be compared to those constructed in Turopolje and Pokuplje and attested in the photographs taken in the late 19th century. The upgrade of the walls was aimed to help the defense, and it was done by wooden consoles, which main purpose was to stop the enemy attack on the walls. Off course, these wooden consoles were useful only in the case of the smaller units of the akinci, but not in the case of larger Ottoman army. In the end, it has to be said that the ground-plans were adapted to the needs of the war strategies in the beginning of the 16th century. Nevertheless, one can argue that in spite of being very small in the proportions, these pseudo-castles were the reflection of the everyday life in Croatia of that time, as well as the results of a quest to find suitable forms of defense.

Prilog poznavanju rušenja katoličke župne crkve sv. Ivana Nepomuka u Glini

Author(s): Jakša Raguž / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Based on the archival materials of Catholic Church and those of Serbian occupation forces, the author presents circumstances and sequence of the demolition of the Catholic church of St. John of Nepomuk in Glina, performed by the Serbian military forces and Serbian occupation civil authorities of Glina from 1991 to the end of 1994.

Aksionet humanitare të Austro-Hungarisë në vitin 1913

Author(s): Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Zhvillimi i aksioneve të mëdha humanitare në politikëne jashtme austro-hungareze gjatë Luftës së Parë Ballkanike janë një element i ri dhe i pa hulumtuar gjer më tani. Edhe pse rajonet e banuara me shqiptarë dekada me radhë ishin financuar në kuadër të emërtimeve të ndryshme, aksionet humanitare shtetërore ishin një formë e re e përkrahjes.

Státy Východního partnerství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Lucia Najšlová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Rok 2014 byl pro diskusi o české východní politice mimořádně dynamický. Oproti roku 2013 se region těšil výrazně větší pozornosti politických stran, médií i veřejnosti. Nárůst pozornosti byl způsoben pokračujícím konfliktem na Ukrajině a události na Ukrajině zastínily vývoj v jiných zemích východní Evropy. Rostoucí pozor-nost je možno připsat nejen vývoji samotnému, ale zejména obavám o jeho dopad na českou ekonomiku. Energie věnovaná východu však nesměřovala jenom ke konstruk-tivní diskusi zaměřené na zkvalitnění politiky – dění na Ukrajině se stalo předmětem vnitropolitického boje. Východní politice dominovaly spory mezi Ministerstvem zahraničních věcí ČR a Hradem a spory v rámci vlády o sankce EU uplatněné na představitele a firmy z Ruské federace (RF).

Státy Východního partnerství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Lucia Najšlová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Východní politika patří k dlouhodobě deklarovaným prioritám české zahraniční politiky. I když v roce 2015, zejména v jeho druhé polovině, dominovala diskusi o evropské politice sousedství uprchlická krize, podařilo se dosáhnout několika posunů i v politice východní. Za nejzásadnější možno považovat pevné ukotvení východní politiky jako priority ve všech nových koncepčních dokumentech, přičemž v zahraničněpolitické koncepci je východní Evropa spolu se západním Balkánem definována jako součást euroatlantického prostoru. Tyto změny vycházejí z programového prohlášení vlády ČR přijatého v roce 2014, ve kterém se zavázala chápat EU jako základní rámec české zahraniční politiky.

The security dimension of Czech foreign policy

Author(s): Jan Eichler,Ondřej Ditrych / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the area of the security and defence dimensions of the foreign policy, the previous year was mainly about the adaptation to the perceived change of the security environment in connection with the Ukrainian crisis, and also the significant securitization of the issue of refugees and the uncontrolled transit of foreign nationals across the territory of the Czech Republic. On the one hand, the trend toward the mainly passive constructive formation and implementation of the Czech foreign policy could have continued in relation to its environment. On the other hand, the normalization, which here means the broad acceptance of the idea of the uniqueness of the contemporary security situation and the necessity to adopt adequate, exceptional measures, brought new risks.

Киберпространството като петия домейн на войната

Author(s): Dragomir Krastev / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The manuscript examines the possibilities for fighting in cyberspace as a new field of war. The purpose of cyber warfare is to damage computer systems, create interference, or obtain classified information by infiltrating computer systems and networks. The main motivation is the realization of certain interests in the international arena. Existing legal rules and regulations on warfare are generally applicable to cyber warfare. Before starting a cyber war, it is necessary to establish jus ad bellum (ie the right to use force). In addition, the reasons for the use of force in any form must be legal and permitted by law.

Трудният път за присъединяването на Турция към Европeйския съюз

Author(s): Petya Vasileva / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Turkey’s path to membership in the European Union (EU) is full of many obstacles. The history of relations between Turkey and the EU is long and full of twists and turns. The subject of Turkey’s membership also triggers mechanisms of public debate that have been formed in the course of the countries’ past experiences. Over the centuries, Europeans formed an identity in which the Ottoman Empire, in the face of the Turks, was opposed to a different people. Hence the psychological barrier for an 80 million Muslim nation with an authoritarian presidential rule and a much lower standard of living with increasing hyperinflation. That is why the accession of Turkey to the EU will shake the European integration and in particular its Christian basis. At the end of October 2023, an interim report on the progress of Turkey’s negotiations towards joining the European Union is expected to be published.

From Kashmir to East Pakistan: How Hegemony Absence Redefined South Asian Warfare

Author(s): Diyun Zhang / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Post-World War II saw a bipolar global structure emerge, altering warfare dynamics to include not only traditional wars but also civil conflicts, skirmishes, guerrilla tactics, and terrorism. Superpowers like the USA and USSR, often involved in regional disputes in South Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, have been criticized for escalating tensions. However, their absence sometimes led to greater instability and uncertainty, potentially sparking new conflicts. Aiming to investigate how and why hegemony absence has shaped the evolution of warfare in the region, this article examines the three significant conventional wars between India and Pakistan that transpired in South Asia —a region deeply entrenched in distinct historical and political significance. It reveals that the 1947 Kashmir War, occurring during a period of superpower preoccupation, failed to resolve tensions and laid the groundwork for future conflicts. The increased superpower involvement in the 1965 war significantly altered the conflict's scale and outcomes. In contrast, the 1971 war, with focused attention and support from the USA and the USSR, led to East Pakistan's independence, reshaping South Asia's geopolitical structure. Using process tracing and comparative analysis, this study highlights the critical impact of hegemonic absence on regional conflicts, marked by increased decision-making autonomy, diminished resource aid, and limited mediation efforts. This South Asian case study enriches our understanding of hegemony's role in international relations theory.

ПРИМЕНА СИЛЕ ПРОТИВ ПОЈЕДИНАЦА, ВЕЗАНО ЗА МЕЂУНАРОДНЕ ОДНОСЕ У МИРУ

Author(s): Boris Krivokapić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

When speaking of force in international relations and international law, it is mainly about what takes place in relations between states and consists of the use of armed force, or rather the threat that it will be used. However, force in international relations can be viewed from other angles, in relation to other subjects. In order to approach the problem he deals with, the author first points out some of the possible classifications of the use of force that are of importance for international relations, and then specifies that the subject of his presentation is force that: 1) is illegal, 2) is carried out in peace, 3) is carried out by states, 4) is carried out as part of some state policy, 5) is carried out against individuals, and 6) has a certain international significance. After that, relying on numerous concrete examples from practice, he gives an overview of some of the forms of such force, such as kidnappings, imprisonment without a court decision, holding in secret prisons, torture, enforced disappearances and, in particular, targeted killings. As part of the concluding considerations, the author points out the most important real and legal consequences of targeted killings and other considered forms of force against individuals. Among other things, it states that much is already covered by international legal norms, but that here too the law lags behind, and that there is a need to precisely regulate a number of issues such as targeted killings, especially those carried out by drones. Some of the open problems are how to achieve effective international control over the various forms of violence against individuals mentioned in the paper; how to ensure that the same approach is applied to all states; how to prevent and effectively sanction unlawful violence against individuals that can be attributed to international structures (e.g. international peacekeeping forces), etc.

SIGNIFICANT VIOLATIONS OF THE RULES OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF ARMED CONFLICT IN AGGRESSION ON THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA 1991

Author(s): Vladan Jončić,Miloš Jončić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The NATO Pact’s aggression against Yugoslavia in 1999 is a school example of serious violations of all relevant norms of international law. This article indicates important violations of the international law of armed conflicts that were carried out by the NATO Pact during aggression. A significant number of the ius cogens norms has been violated. Especially, NATO forces use prohibited methods during executions of war operations. NATO forces committ war crimes during air attacks. Besides this, NATO committed a crime against peace and a crime against humanity. The rules of protection of civilians and civilian objects guaranteed by the 1949 Geneva Conventions (the Fourth Geneva Convention) and almost all rules of the international law of armed conflicts guaranteed by international conventions and customary international law were grossly violated during this agression. First of all, protection of journalists, women, children, civilian objects, objects of which depends the survival of the civilian population, facilities that international law guarantees protection, etc., have been grossly violated. Hospitals and hospital transport were attacked. A number of human rights rules have been violated, such as the right to life, the right to free development and the management of natural resources, freedom of movement, the children’s rights, etc. The use of weapons with depleted uranium and the bombardment of civilian objects which contain dangerous forces has caused the effect of using chemical weapons (Pancevo Refinery, etc.). This has led to the endangering of human rights of the third generation, such as the right to a healthy environment. The huge destruction of the infrastructure made enormous material damage. The consequences of aggression and all this violations of international humanitarian law are still unimaginable and the question is whether they will ever been.

THE CAUSES OF THE NATO AGGRESSION ON THE FR YUGOSLAVIA

Author(s): Dušan N. Proroković,Branko Krga / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Despite the often quoted allegations that the intervention was provoked by the bloodshed and ethnic cleansing of thousands of Albanians driving them into exile in neighboring countries, and the potential of this situation to destabilize the region, the authors of this article tried to analyze the geopolitical and foreign policy indicators to identify the real causes of the NATO aggression on the FR Yugoslavia. The work consists of four parts. The first part is devoted to the development of the Kosovo crisis and the possibility of its solution during 1998-1999. The second part describes the facts that have preceded the decision of the NATO Council to intervene. The reasons for the decision to bomb Yugoslavia are analyzed in the third section. The fourth part is dedicated to the final considerations. In this article, the authors come to the conclusion that NATO had seven reasons to start a campaign in the spring 1999: first, to save its own credibility and celebrate fifty years of its existence; second, to accelerate the overthrow of Milosevic from power and put the entire post-Yugoslav space under the umbrella of NATO; third, the geopolitical reasons - to oust Russian influence; fourth, to bypass the UN and minimize the role of this international organization in world politics; fifth, to correct the mistakes made after the Second World War; sixth, the interests of the American military-industrial complex; and seventh - to improve the image of the United States in the Islamic world.

NATO ROAD TO SERBIA: WHY 1999?

Author(s): Slobodan Janković / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

How NATO found its new raison d’être after the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in the Yugoslav crisis? Why Serbia and the Serbs were designated as bad guys? How the initial NATO and USA policy determined the sides in the war, and how it affected the U.S. policy in Europe are the questions raised and answered in this article. The author starts with the historical introduction of the Yugoslav crisis and wars in the territory of the dissolved nation. He presents the main differing views on these processes among scholars and explains how their attachment to governmental policies affects their portrayal of events. Afterward, the author examines the European and global context in which the crisis and the subsequent aggression of the NATO Alliance on a small Balkan state occurred. Different interests in Berlin, Washington, London and the Vatican led to common action against a pariah state of the 1990s. What prevailed is the Anglo Saxon influence in the Balkans and in the EU.

NATO INTERVENTION IN THE LIGHT OF THE SERBIAN-ALBANIAN WAR OVER KOSOVO

Author(s): Danuta Gibas-Krzak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The author of this paper will present the circumstances of the NATO attack on Yugoslavia in 1999. The main goal of this address will be to show historical conditions of the Serbian-Albanian conflict over Kosovo, which led to the escalation of violence in this Serbian province. Moreover, the proofs will be shown that information about ethnic cleansing allegedly perpetrated by the Serbs in Kosovo were fabricated and they were the main cause of a decision made by NATO about the attack. NATO intervention was described in the subject literature in the West as a military operation and the “first war in history for the rights of man”. The author of this paper shall present an analysis exposing this thesis, showing the terrorist character of the actions of the Kosovo Liberation Army and presenting the participation of “big players” in the Serbian-Albanian conflict who fight for their influences in the Balkans.

THE 1999 NATO BOMBING CAMPAIGN AND THE 21ST CENTURY STRATEGIC ALLIANCE BETWEEN CHINA AND RUSSIA

Author(s): Beatriz Bissio / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the 21st century, the formation of a multipolar world is apparent, with Russia and China as key players.The cooperation between Russia and China has been strengthening year by year: bilateral trade in the expansion, major agreements signed in the strategic areas of energy and security, joint military exercises. One turning point was the joint declaration “World Order in the 21st Century”, signed in Moscow in July 2005, during the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II. The cited declaration warned of Moscow and Beijing rejection at any attempt of intervention by “foreign forces” in their regions and opposed any endeavor to impose “political and social models of development” coming from outside. It is not difficult to see that, besides defining a new level of the relations between China and Russia, the intention was to respond to the US-led interventions which started with the 1999 NATO bombing campaignin the former Yugoslavia and increased after the 9/11 attack in 2001. The chapter will analyze the intensification of cooperation between China and Russia, in particular, and the role of the two countries in the promotion of other initiatives – like BRICS, the “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR), also known as the New Silk Road; the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), called the “NATO of the East” in Western media outlets, etc. – in the context of a geopolitical reply to the 1999 military campaign and its consequences for global security.

NATO: ESSENTIAL OR OBSOLETE?

Author(s): Richard Sakwa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

During his presidential campaign in 2016 Donald J. Trump argued that NATO was ‘obsolete’. Once elected president, Trump retreated and accepted that the alliance is here to stay, but as became clear at the Brussels Summit in July 2018, he adopted a much more transactional view of the alliance. This paper will put recent debates on the future of NATO in the context of the Second Cold War. What is the purpose of maintaining a security alliance in an era when the circumstances that prompted its creation have changed so dramatically? Does the Atlantic power system come into contradiction with the aspirations of the end of the Cold War creating a ‘common European home’ and a ‘Europe whole and free’? More disturbingly, does the very continued existence of NATO create security dilemmas that justify its existence? The nature and purpose of the Atlantic Alliance will be examined, reviewing its development since 1989 and the consequences of its actions. The persistence of an anachronistic institutional and ideational security order in Europe contributes to the emergence of an anti-hegemonic alignment at the global level, where Russia, China and other partners are gradually creating an alternative global architecture intended not so much to challenge the historical West as to create a non-hierarchical and pluralist post-western alternative order.

The Concept of Neutrality: Origins and Challenges - From the Peace of Westphalia to the European Union

Author(s): Ove Bring / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Neutrality could be defined as a nation’s status of impartiality, and thus non-participation in hostilities, when other countries are at war. The position of neutrality is probably as old as war itself, but only in the sense that certain actors wanted to stay outside an armed conflict. The self-proclaimed neutrals had no rights in this context, no guarantees, no legal assurances. But during the Middle Ages and later, for example during the Thirty Years War in Europe, bilateral agreements were concluded that promised certain states respect for their position of neutrality during an ongoing armed conflict. The position of permanent neutrality, valid also in future wars, was more ambitious and was not, at this time, covered in international agreements. But to the extent that a concept of neutrality slowly was emerging, it was linked to the existence of an armed conflict. It was not a matter of neutrality or impartiality in a general political sense. Thus, the emerging legal position of neutrality did not exist in peace time, but only after the outbreak of war. That important point also corresponds to the position of modern international law.

Post Cold War “neutral” states - Moldova, Turkmenistan, Ukraine

Author(s): Dragan Štavljanin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0