Књиге и листови. Теорија и техника државног удара,
Review of: (Curzio Malparte, Der Staatsstreich, 1932)
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Review of: (Curzio Malparte, Der Staatsstreich, 1932)
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The struggle for supremacy dates back to ancient times, and the conquest of new territories or the desire to regain former affiliations is not new. Consequently, the central objective of the paper is to understand and review current geopolitical and geostrategic issues. At the beginning, the general framework of the research is pointed out. Although contemporaneity offers countless possibilities for states to have a prosperous and peaceful inner order, their tendency is different, in fact it is the same as always: territorial expansion and the obtaining of the scepter of international power. This scientific approach captures analytically and comparatively the attitude of two major state powers, from the Euro-Asian space, Russia and China, on the one hand, and the efforts of international actors, USA and NATO, which promote peace and stability and counteracts hostile actions that threaten its values. Following the results of this analysis, the conclusions of the research are drawn, accompanied by personal contributions, issues addressed and identified limitations.
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Burebista was the founder of a genuine empire of the Dacians north of the Danube, not only the first unifier of the Dacians who coagulated them in a state, with a centre of power, with laws and a common religion, but more than that, Burebista was the first of all Thracians to succeed in founding a true regional power in the vast world of European antiquity. The brilliant statesman is a model of European leader, being even equal to Caesar, because he defeated the Celts/Gauls like the great Roman general and politician. Burebista defended the borders of all Dacians by stopping the great Celtic/Gallic migration, transforming the Dacian territories into a Dacian Island, strong and unitary, the Celtic/Gallic wave flowing far south of the Danube, far from the border of Burebista’s Dacia. The Dacian state of Burebista was created by the military and reforming capacity of the creator, who bequeathed the ideal of unity to this Carpathian-Danubian-Pontic space, proving by his deeds and his imperial creation that power and defence always stand in unity.
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Within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization / NATO we have in most cases operations and activities supported in a multinational environment, diverse and especially different in terms of technology and levels of training. The logistics of military actions is one of the pillars and basic factors taken into account right from the moment of their preparation, which initiates a widespread need to understand the phenomenon of multinational logistical support, both tactically and operationally, as well as issues related to legality, funding, responsibilities, limitations and constraints. We also believe that multinational logistical support must primarily reflect the interests of the state and, secondarily, the obligations of the state that generates the logistical support in accordance with the treaties, conventions and alliances to which it is a party. At the same time, we believe that the harmonization of national strategic cultures and logistics cultures is a major challenge that will find a rather difficult answer. Also, noting the current technological advancement but also the growing threats of Russia, we believe that defining on the territory of one of the NATO member states on the eastern border a large and rapid reaction logistical support capacity would be one of the solutions for ensuring the least material support of NATO’s eastern countries in the event of military aggression that would invoke Article 5. Major logistical support provided by the alliance could support frontline countries to military support from other members, thus decongesting the material burden, being able to focus on the conduct of combat actions.
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The risks and threats specific to the permanent geometry change of an action/operation in the context of the current multidimensional operational environment conflict are extremely diversified and undergo permanent mutations. This situation implicitly requires that the command-and-control systems architecture must allow rapid adaptation to the requirements imposed by the frequent situation changes, in the conflict specific analysis domains, namely PMESII (political, military, economic, social, information and infrastructure). The digitization and algorithmizing of the decision-making process carried out simultaneously with the structural and functional implementation of artificial intelligence is the current way of streamlining the decision-making process by exponentially increasing the capabilities of the command and control systems regarding the volume and speed of data and information processing, the interpretation, of the capabilities of structural and functional organization of both the C2 modules and the operating force, of the capabilities to control and evaluate the execution of the action/operation, etc. Algorithmizing and the digitization of the decision-making process combined with the experience, knowledge based intuition and talent/art (specific to the human factor) inevitably leads to making adequate decision aiming to be quickly integrated into operational plans and orders.
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The principle of indivisible security in Europe has been resurfaced lately through the intention of the Russian Federation, via the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergey Lavrov, to assume a kind of legitimacy for the consecutive invasion of Ukraine, based on the disrespect for its unilateral perceived security threats and the disrespect by the collective West of this principle, in Russian interpretations. It is, for sure, a distraction and not a real debate, but it worth looking into it since it is about a vision on the making, a concept immature and unsubstantiated, never operationalized, but completely linked with the respect of the general principles sitting at the bases of the UN Chart and CSCE/OSCE fundamental document, of the rules based order, as well as the confidence and respect of the peaceful resolution of conflict and abstaining from the use of force or threatening to use it in international relations.
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The struggle for supremacy dates back to ancient times, and the conquest of new territories or the desire to regain former affiliations is not new. Consequently, the central objective of the paper is to understand and review current geopolitical and geostrategic issues. At the beginning, the general framework of the research is pointed out. Although contemporaneity offers countless possibilities for states to have a prosperous and peaceful inner order, their tendency is different, in fact it is the same as always: territorial expansion and the obtaining of the scepter of international power. This scientific approach captures analytically and comparatively the attitude of two major state powers, from the Euro-Asian space, Russia and China, on the one hand, and the efforts of international actors, USA and NATO, which promote peace and stability and counteracts hostile actions that threaten its values. Following the results of this analysis, the conclusions of the research are drawn, accompanied by personal contributions, issues addressed and identified limitations.
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The United Nations Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Most of the debates and analysis regarding the UN Security Council make specific references to the need to reform this organ considered to be out of date in the view of the changes at the international level since 1945 when the Charter has been adopted. The article analysis the democratic legitimacy of the Security Council and the possible reforms that could lead to an increase of its input and output legitimacy.
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This study investigates the illegal exploitation of natural resources, the export, and import of goods and products carried out by Armenia during the occupation of Karabakh and the surrounding areas. The current legal and economic assessments of the property rights belonging to Azerbaijani lands are thoroughly conducted upon their liberation from the occupation. This topic, which has not previously been the subject of research, is highly relevant both in terms of the value of the analysis and the practicality of the subject matter. In the study, the economic and legal aspects of the actions carried out by Armenia during the occupation and the clear-cut measures taken by Azerbaijan following the liberation of Karabakh and surrounding areas are comparatively analyzed. Within the scope of international politics and based on geographical boundaries, the regulation of intellectual property and property rights in the occupied territories has become a critical problem in terms of the illegal use of goods and other resources. By actively supporting illicit activities in the formerly occupied territories of Azerbaijan, Armenia not only relieved its ongoing financial difficulties but also benefited economically from the exploitation of resources in the occupied territories by importing more than 90 percent (%) of agricultural and mineral products and exporting mislabeled resources and goods abroad. As such, the economic and legal consequences of intellectual property and natural resource exploitation are inextricably connected to the development of the political and security circumstances in Karabakh and its seven nearby districts.
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Within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization/NATO we have in most cases operations and activities supported in a multinational environment, diverse and especially different in terms of technology and levels of training. The logistics of military actions is one of the pillars and basic factors taken into account right from the moment of their preparation, which initiates a widespread need to understand the phenomenon of multinational logistical support, both tactically and operationally, as well as issues related to legality, funding, responsibilities, limitations and constraints. We also believe that multinational logistical support must primarily reflect the interests of the state and, secondarily, the obligations of the state that generates the logistical support in accordance with the treaties, conventions and alliances to which it is a party. At the same time, we believe that the harmonization of national strategic cultures and logistics cultures is a major challenge that will find a rather difficult answer. Also, noting the current technological advancement but also the growing threats of Russia, we believe that defining on the territory of one of the NATO member states on the eastern border a large and rapid reaction logistical support capacity would be one of the solutions for ensuring the least material support of NATO’s eastern countries in the event of military aggression that would invoke Article 5. Major logistical support provided by the alliance could support frontline countries to military support from other members, thus decongesting the material burden, being able to focus on the conduct of combat actions.
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The review of: Mato Zovkić, Dialogue between Catholics and Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sarajevo, CNS, 2018, pp. 401
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Based on the literature, which was created in various periods of time, the author discusses the views of most belligerents on the issue of responsibility for the outbreak of the First World War. The characteristic of most of the works on this topic is that the responsibility was transferred to the other side, and that one’s own moves were relativized. However, it is noticeable that from time to time, ideas also appeared in certain environments, which were apologetic in nature and distributed guilt more evenly. To this day, there is no consensus on the outbreak of war, and the issue of responsibility is usually brought to light on the anniversary of the war.
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Review of: Mirjana Kasapović - Navid Kermani, Uzduž rovova. Putovanje Istočnom Europom sve do Isfahana, Naklada Ljevak, Zagreb, 2021., 492 str.
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Constant warfare throughout the eighteenth century offered plentiful opportunities for young and aspiring officers to advance their military and social positions by performing military services for powerful European rulers. An example of this trend can be provided by the case of Gideon Ernst, Baron von Laudon (1717 – 1790), who achieved remarkable success in Habsburg service during the Seven Years’ War (1756 – 1763). Laudon began his military career in the service of the Romanovs, but during the War of the Austrian Succession (1740 – 1748) he joined the Habsburg armed forces eager to achieve further military experience and glory. He acquired skill and knowledge of small war tactics during his service in Trenck’s Pandour Free Corps. After the war ended, he was awarded a position in the far south of the Habsburg Monarchy, in the Croatian Military Frontier, where he accustomed himself to the military skills of the Grenzer. Upon the outbreak of the Seven Year’s War Laudon led a Grenzer corps to Bohemia where the Habsburg forces were trying to prevent the advance of the Prussians. The events which followed marked the start of Laudon’s rapid ascension within the military hierarchy. Throughout the years he continued to achieve fame and renown by performing numerous military endeavours which inflicted serious damage on the Prussian supply lines making a significant impact on the course of the war in favour of the Habsburg side. Laudon and the Grenzer also participated in major battles, such as Hochkirch and Kunersdorf, as well as assaults on strongholds such as Landeshut and Schweidnitz. The utilization of the unique fighting skills of the Grenzer and small war tactics proved an important factor in Laudon’s rise within the military circles of the Habsburg Monarchy.
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The main aim of this paper is to show the participation of mercenaries in the war in former Yugoslavia who fought on the Muslim side. The author presents the thesis that they were recruited to participate in the defense of Muslim community, which they believed was threatened by Serbs. However, their goal soon became to conduct jihad. Muslim mercenaries, also known as warriors of Allah (warriors of God) or Garibi, often proved to be cruel and committed war crimes. Among them were veterans of the war in Afghanistan, the Mujahideen. After the end of hostilities, many of God’s warriors remained in the Balkans, and their settlement brought a lot of negative changes to the social and political life of the region. The Garibi contributed greatly to the strengthening of influence of Islamic states and institutions in the Balkans, as well as to the development of Wahhabi sects supporting terrorism.
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The author conceives a pleading based on the idea that in a people's life, in a country's existence, there are periods which, through their rhythms mark major co-ordinates in its development, which remain perennial along centuries and immortalize, through the achievements obtained, the people's efforts. History, recording and interpreting the positive-as well as the negative-phenomena of the human society, creates the possibility of selecting them, turning them into account accordingly. Knowing the evolution of wars and the causes that generated them, history warns mankind about the consequences of repeating them and rallying the public opinion in the fight of maintain peace in the world. That's why history, serving peace serves life itself.
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This paper analyzes the participation of two infantry regiments of the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Army from the territory of Banal Croatia and Slavonia in the battle for Galicia in 1914 on the Eastern Front. Galicia was one of the Crownlands in the Austrian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Strategic importance of Galicia laid in the fact that, it had an important defensive role against Russia. For that reason, both belligerents, Russia and Austria-Hungary, according to the offensive military doctrine of the time, had the objective of destroying the enemy's armed forces completely in the decisive battle on the territoy of Galicia. Initially, Austro-Hungarian Army deployed 925 000 and Russian Empire 1,2 million soldiers in the field. Out of this, only 9 455 Croatian soldiers from Banal Croatia and Slavonia or just 1% of the entire fighting force of the Dual Monarchy participated in the Battle for Galicia in 1914. They were part of Petrovaradin Infantry Regiment Nr. 70 and Karlovac Infantry Regiment Nr. 96. While Petrovaradin regiment went to Galicia in full strength, one batallion of the Karlovac Regiment remained on the Balkan front. In spite of small numbers, their role in military operations has not been insignificant. Karlovac Regiment arrived in Eastern Galicia on August 29 and fought it's battle the next day. Petrovaradin Regiment arrived in Eastern Galicia on September 9 and like it's Croatian counterpart, been immediately commited to battle. They both participated in the Second battle for Lemberg and retreated with all Austro-Hungarian Armies to the West. In the Battle for Galicia, two Croatian infantry regiments lost 2 676 soldiers in total, out of which 545 were killed, 2 064 wounded and 67 died of diseases and consequnces of wounding. The aftermath of the Galician battle was that it became the most important frontline for the Dual Monarchy while the consequences for entire country were severe. In conclusion, the Croatian soldiers who fought in Galicia in 1914 were the first of the many who were deployed to this theatre. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to give incentive not only to historians but to the descendants of these Croatian soldiers who fought and died in the fields of Galicia to explore this subject and make further research in the future.
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Review of: Đuro Škvorc - Ivica Miškulin, Imaš puska, imas pistol? O mirovnim operacijama Ujedinjenih naroda u zapadnoj Slavoniji, Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Baranje i Srijema: Slavonski Brod, 2015.
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This article was written before Russia unleashed its brutal and genocidal war on Ukraine. Of course, some of our conclusions and especially reflections on the possible future outcomes have been made irrelevant by the current hostilities, the flow of millions of refugees, the unprecedented Western sanctions against Russia, and the blocking of entire social media platforms by the Russian government, which led to some Russians self-styling themselves as “digital refugees”.
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This article explores witnessing within and as participatory journalism (participatory witnessing) based on a case study of narratives of the Aleppo siege created by amateur content producers, professional journalists and commenting audiences. To analyse the nuances and challenges of participatory witnessing as a practice and a field, I examine the narratives of all parties (tweeters in Aleppo, news outlets and people commenting below the news articles) as well as their visual and textual strategies for gaining “trust” by claiming authenticity. While news outlets were largely sympathetic to tweeters and amplified their messages, the commenting audience distanced themselves from the suffering and refused to bear witness by responding with four narratives: “tweeters are fake,” “tweeters are terrorists,” “the media is lying” and “collateral damage.” Many elements from the “post-truth” narrative repertoire were utilised to create distance from the scene of suffering. Therefore, empowering vulnerable parties to participate “in journalism” (inviting the audiences to “bear witness”) does not necessarily lead to participation “through journalism” (audiences “bearing witness” in response to these calls).
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