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The article provides a brief description of the history of the Balkans in Modern and Recent times. At the beginning of this period, the Balkans became part of the pan-European international system. First as an object, and then more and more of its subject. After the Berlin Congress, many Balkan countries gained independence, and during the First Balkan War, for the first time in history, the Balkan states acted together and independently, and not to support certain actions of the great powers. The Balkan allies were even called the “seventh great power”. However, at the same time, almost all the Balkan states experienced national disasters. Their return to Europe turned out to be incomplete and the lag behind the advanced part of the continent did not decrease either then, or in the interwar or post-war periods. It remains today, despite the accession of most of the Balkan countries to the European Union.
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The essay concerns attempts to shape a common narrative about the history of Europe in the 1939–1991 period made by representatives of the Western Europe and the region of Central and Eastern Europe (East) since the fall of communism and collapse of the Eastern Bloc. It shows at the beginning the encounter and next the clash between two different historical experiences and narratives of West and East, and as a result the growing misunderstandings. The author distinguishes three strategies of the politics of memory used by the Eastern states internally and toward neighbors: historical reconciliation, transitional justice and national identity politics of memory. The author analyzes how the latter prevailed in the post-Yugoslav states in 1990s and in the states located on the Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands in the second decade of 21st century. Of a special subject of analysis are the two most explosive contemporary memory conflicts in the region: Serbian-Croatian and Polish-Ukrainian. The author shows how these conflicts developed in the conditions of a growing lack of understanding of the East by the West. The West representatives in the EU did not fully admit the postulates to change the common historical narrative in Europe put forward by the representatives of the East. Neither the entire EU nor its old member states did take a position on the disputes over memory between the Eastern states. As a result these conflicts linger and the prospects for ending them are weak.
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This essay is dedicated to a book written by Tomasz Rawski titled "Boszniacki nacjonalizm. Strategie budowania narodu po 1995 roku" (Eng.: "Bosniac nationalism. Nation-building strategies after the year 1995") which was published by Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar in the year 2019. Basing on an analysis of contemporary politics of memory in Bosnia and Herzegovina relating to the 1992–1995 war, the author presents two antagonistic nation-building strategies.
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In the armed conflicts in Croatia (1991-95), Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-95), and Kosovo (1998-99), at least 130,000 people lost their lives, millions were forced to flee their homes, and hundreds of thousands of houses were destroyed. The transition from a state of armed conflict and state repression to a period of peace and the building of democratic institutions requires these societies to decide on mass human rights violations from the recent past. The set of measures taken by the authorities and civil society to address these violations of rights constitutes a complex of transitional justice, the basic elements of which are fact-finding, trials, reparations, and institutional reform (lustration). This report deals with the consequences of the war and the crimes committed between 1991 and 1999. The report was initiated by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), in cooperation with the Research and Documentation Center (IDC-BiH) and Document (Croatia). It refers to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro - hereinafter referred to as "post-Yugoslav countries".
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Reparations are measures applied by post-conflict societies to redress various types of damage suffered by victims as a result of certain crimes committed by the previous government and its institutions. The goal of reparations is justice for the victims. For a large number of victims, reparations are the most tangible manifestation of society's efforts to repair the damage they have suffered. Reparations are divided into material and symbolic. They can be individual or collective. They are realized directly on the basis of law (administratively) or through the courts. In this report, we talk about obtaining material reparations through the courts, reviewing legal regulations and the conduct of courts in cases initiated by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC).
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Reparations are measures applied by post-conflict societies to redress various types of damage suffered by victims as a result of certain crimes committed by the previous government and its institutions. The goal of reparations is justice for the victims. For a large number of victims, reparations are the most tangible manifestation of society's efforts to repair the damage they have suffered. Reparations are divided into material and symbolic. They can be individual or collective. They are realized directly on the basis of law (administratively) or through the courts. In this report, we talk about obtaining material reparations through the courts, reviewing legal regulations and the conduct of courts in cases initiated by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC).
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In 2011, the War Crimes Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Serbia (TRZ) filed indictments against a total of nine persons, all for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Civilians under Art. 142 paragraph 1 of the FRY CC. // In 2011, 13 proceedings were conducted before the War Crimes Chamber of the High Court in Belgrade. Of these, the War Crimes Chamber handed down verdicts in six cases, convicting 17 defendants and acquitting two of them, and the remaining seven proceedings are still pending. // In 2011, the War Crimes Chamber of the Court of Appeals in Belgrade issued 11 decisions on appeals against the verdicts of the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade High Court, which convicted 12 defendants and overturned the first instance verdicts and returned the cases. on retrial. // In 2011, before the courts of general jurisdiction, two proceedings were conducted for the criminal offense of War Crimes against Civilians under Article 142, Paragraph 1 of the FRY Criminal Code - Kushnin / Kushnin case before the Higher Court in Nis, Orahovac / Rahovec case before The High Court in Pozarevac, and two proceedings for ethnically motivated murders. The case of Oto Palinkaš et al. Was conducted before the High Court in Kraljevo, and the case for ethnically motivated murder in the Emini case was conducted before the High Court in Niš. // Humanitarian Law Center (HLC), in 2011 represented the victims in four cases before the War Crimes Chamber of the High Court in Belgrade - Ćuška / Qushk, Skočić, Zvornik III / IV and Lovas, while HLC observers monitored the main hearings in other proceedings before this court, as well as the main trial in the Kushnin case.
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À travers une perspective multidisciplinaire, basée sur les connaissances historiques et pointant vers de nouvelles recherches sur le patrimoine culturel et historique des Juifs de Belgrade et de Paris, il s’agit de souligner les similitudes et les différences dans l’existence, la préservation et la présentation du patrimoine juif dans deux environnements géographiquement éloignés, historiquement et socialement différents. L’objectif est de tenir compte du contexte historique, culturel et artistique du patrimoine culturel juif historique et la question inextricablement liée de l’Holocauste. L’article cherche à lancer une discussion sur le Bataclan, le quartier juif de Paris, et Dorcol, une partie de Belgrade où les noms de rue témoignent de la vie de la communauté juive. Le but de l’article n’est pas seulement de comparer et de souligner le lien, mais aussi de promouvoir la diversité du patrimoine culturel de la France et de la Serbie.
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The goal of this paper is to investigate the memory of the Holocaust, i.e. the reception and representation of the suffering of the Jewish population during the rule of the Third Reich (under Nazi rule and occupation) in the capitals of the states constituted after the Second World War - in East Berlin, GDR, and Belgrade, SFRY, during the period from 1945 to 1989/1991. Relying on the achievements of memory studies and analyzing the political moods of that time and the ways of constructing official narratives about Jewish suffering in selected post-war Communist countries, the similarities and differences in the policy of representing Jewish suffering in these two countries and the memory of Jewish victims in places of remembrance and in the practices of remembrance in their capitals will be pointed out.
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In der Arbeit wird die Berichterstattung der deutschen Zeitschrift Spiegel während der NATO-Bombenangriffe auf die Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien im Jahr 1999 nach den Methoden der Diskursanalyse und der Theorien des kollektiven Gedächtnisses analysiert. Die Arbeit soll erklären, was unter dem Begriff kollektives Gedächtnis aus linguistischer Sicht zu verstehen ist, wofür Medientexte geeignet sind und inwieweit sie das kollektive Gedächtnis bestimmter Ereignisse aus der Vergan- genheit prägen, wie Wissen und negative Bilder vergangener Ereignisse durch die Medien konstruiert werden, sowie die Art und Weise, wie ein negatives Bild Serbiens in deutschen Zeitungsberichten des Nachrichtenmagazins DER SPIEGEL im Jahr 1999 konstruiert wurde. Die Hypothese der Arbeit lautet, dass das negative Bild Serbiens in der Berichterstattung des ausgewählten Magazins während des NATO-Bombenangriffs auf der Semantik des Lexems oder der sprachlichen Konstruktionen basiert, die im Diskurs auf Deutsch verwendet wurden.
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In this paper, we have analysed the authentic testimony of Goli otok prisoner Smilja Filipčev. We interviewed Smilja during multiple encounters from 2011 to 2013. Our second source for this paper was her short book Open Door to Life. Chronicle of a Family. We had chosen Smilja Filipčevʼs testimony because her suffering was a precedent since it had been extended through most of her life. At the time of the Resolution of Informbureau in 1948, all members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had to opt for or against the Resolution. On the party meeting, Smilja said that members of the Party should attend the meeting in Bucharest and defend the Partyʼs stance. Those words were her verdict which affected not only her life, but also the life of her entire family. The sufferings of Smilja Filipčev and her family had begun during the Second World War, had its peak during the Resolution of Informbureau 1948 – 1956 and its concentration camps and they even stretched into the period after her internment.Our main hypothesis was that the most loyal Communists who uncompromisingly believed in their idols of the equality and truth were being most heavily punished in the camps for re-education of convicts. We have shown and proved our hypoth- esis with the life experience of Smilja Filipčev and her family. We selected Smilja because her life had been full of sufferings and because she was willing to talk about it – other women victims we had met were not. We had not found the official evidence of torture and maltreatment done by investigators, managers or revised women prisoners in the prisons and camps, and that fact was the main reason for writing this paper. Everything Smilja said during our encounters and interviews and wrote in her book represents an authentic document worth of our attention.
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Autonomy has historically been a gendered notion, a defining feature of masculinity as opposed to the relational otherness and dependency that has characterized dominant representations of femininity. It therefore follows that the notion of artistic labour, which as we saw in chapter 1, is rooted in the idea of art’s autonomy, would also be a gendered concept. This convergence of labour and gender calls, I argue, for an approach that is informed both by labour theory of value and a feminist epistemology to unpack the implications of autonomy of art. In this chapter, I therefore employ a feminist epistemology about the gendered nature of (women’s) work as an element of my labour-focused analysis
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The study provides an overview of the crisis in Kosovo in the 1980s, which is analyzed from an economic, political and international perspective. The period from Tito’s death until the mid-1980s was characterized by growing discontent among the Albanian population and a gradual escalation of tensions in Kosovo. On the other hand, after the death of the Albanian leader Enver Hoxha on April 11, 1985, Ramiz Alija became the head of the Albanian Labor Party and Albania entered a new stage of internationalization of the problem of the situation of the Albanians in Yugoslavia. The negative phenomena and trends in the development of Tito’s Yugoslavia in its last decades and especially after the death of the Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito brought the country to a serious crisis. The contradictions in the Yugoslav society, the economic and political problems and the inter-ethnic tensions were exacerbated significantly and questioned the unity of the Yugoslav federation, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the future of the “Yugoslav model of socialism”. The general crisis in Yugoslavia, which encompassed the different areas of life found expression in the extreme aggravation of the economic, social, political and interethnic relations in Kosovo. The political processes, the exacerbation of the inter-ethnic relations, the developments in Kosovo and especially the introduced emergency measures had a negative effect on the international reputation of Yugoslavia. In the late 1980s the multinational Yugoslav federation faced the problem of its further existence.
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In this paper, we consider the phenomenon of fictionalization of the theme of the Goli otok in novels (mostly written by women), as a kind of collective and ideological trauma, which has been a taboo topic in socialist Yugoslavia for more than 40th years. Biljana Jovanović (Duša, jedinica moja, 1984) and Boba Blagojević (Skerletna luda, 1991) started the topic of Goli otok in a women’s ideological novel and after that the topic of IB Resolution continued through different genres: publicist- memoir work (Ženi Lebl), autobiographical novel (Vera Cenić), or a real postmodern novel by Milka Žicina (Sve, sve, sve, 2002), all the way to a modern novel, with a fictional protagonist, which combines all the experiences of the Goli Otok`s victims (G. Zalad, Plava tišina, D. Grossman, Život se sa mnom mnogo poigrao). We divide the origin of these novels into the works of women writers who personally experienced torture of Goli otok (Ž. Lebl, V. Cenić, M. Žicina, Eva Panić), and those who were born much later, dealt with this topic completely through the fiction (G. Zalad, D. Ilić, D. Grosman). V. Cenić and M. Žicine also created several impressive literary heroines, whose degree of fictionalization we have specifically analyzed here as literary heroines (Brana Marković, Dragica Srzentić, Slavka Pogačarević, Eva Panić Nahir), as well as the type of antiheroine in the character of Marija Zelić, the warden of the camp on Goli Otok. These are works whose literary qualities should be much more present on our literary scene, and with a good film adaptation they should enter a much wider, public reception, especially since film as a medium is the main subtext of two modern novels about Goli Otok (G. Zalad, D. Grosman).
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This book might be the most comprehensive collection of texts by numerous authors analysing the wars of the 1990s in former Yugoslavia. It has been developed and edited as a priject of the »East/West-Eurpopean Cultural Center PALAIS JALTA« in Frankfurt
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On June 11th, 1999, NATO initiated the Kosovo Force (KFOR), a peacekeeping mission, in Kosovo, immediately following the ratification of UN Security Council Resolution 1244. At that juncture, the Yugoslav military forces were deeply embroiled in hostilities with the Kosovo Liberation Army, thereby precipitating a dire humanitarian crisis within Kosovo. The exodus of nearly a million individuals from Kosovo as refugees, a significant proportion of whom never returned to their homes, underscored the gravity of the situation. Subsequently, KFOR's mission centered on the establishment of a secure environment and the facilitation of unimpeded freedom of movement for all inhabitants across the entire expanse of Kosovo, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. This paper seeks to delineate whether the sustained presence of a permanent peacekeeping force within the region was a requisite imperative and whether it has engendered any salutary impacts on the broader spectrum of human security.
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The international volume ”Aspects of Islamic Radicalization in the Balkans After the Fall of Communism”, published in 2023 by the Peter Lang Publishing Group represents a genuine assessment of the Islamic fundamentalism way spread in the Balkans since communism` fall, among the Muslim population, which add to the already existing literature. The studies included in this volume bring to the fore specific issues regarding certain geographical areas: Kosovo, Albania, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Romania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Serbia, as well as holistic approaches within the role of Islam in the Balkans and the related connections with the historical, religious, political, economic, and social aspects in terms of radicalization.
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Review of: Stop Genocide and Holocaust Denial; Conference Proceedings, IV International Conference, Sarajevo, 20 And 21 June 2019, The Association of Victims and Witnesses of Genocide, The Association-Movement Mothers of Srebrenica and Žepa Enclaves, Sarajevo, 2020, 283 pages
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