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Nakon smrti Josipa Broza 1980. na njemačkom govornom području sa velikom pažnjom praćena su zbivanja u SFR Jugoslaviji. Uglavnom su predstavljena u publicistici, sadržavajući najvećim dijelom futurističke predstave i scenario koji se deceniju kasnije ostvario.
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The political conflict that led to the dissolution of the "other Yugoslavia" was only apparently occurring between the advocates of federal and confederal options, and in fact it was a conflict between the two confederal options that sought or at least agreed with the dissolution of the SFRY
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By referring to original documents of the military and civilian institutions of the rebel Serbs as well as those of the Yugoslav People’s Army, this paper outlines the state and the activity of the aggressor forces in the occupied area of the Glina and Petrinja Districts, where Operation Whirlwind was carried out in December 1991. The military activities of the Croatian forces in this part of the Pokuplje region that preceded the operation are also described. A thorough insight into the preparation and course of the enemy counterattack in Operation Whirlwind is given, with a comparison of losses on both belligerent sides. Considering everything stated, the aggressor’s superiority in artillery and armour is obvious, as is the contribution of the Yugoslav People’s Army in carrying out the counterattack.
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On 31 May 1990 the National Theatre of Zenica was staging its performance on the Serbian national hero Sveti Sava on the stage of Belgrade’s Yugoslav Drama Theatre. Following controversial protests against the fact that a non-Serbian theatre dares to touch the divine topic of Sveti Sava and portray him as a human being full of flaws, the actors were met with rigorous interruptions while attempting to act on the stage in Belgrade. A nationalist group interrupted the performance, calling it blasphemy and threatening the theatre artists. 25 years later the National Theatre of Zenica staged the production Sveto S. or how the production Sveti Sava was ‘archived’, which dealt with the memory of the actors of that controversial, pre-war performance. This paper will discuss the production Sveto S. and raise the question, in which way it remembers the referential work past in relation to the Yugoslav Wars, its conditions and consequences.
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Prikaz knjige: Max Bergholz, Nasilje kao generativna sila, Buybook, Sarajevo/Zagreb, 2018. str. 410.
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У раду се анализира извештавање, у то време, најтиражнијег београдског дневног листа „Вечерњих новости” о ратном учинку Војске Југославије током НАТО агресије 1999. године, а које је било део информационог рата. Посебан акценат је стављен на анализу навода о обореним ваздухопловима Северноатлантске алијансе.
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На основу анализе 15 истраживања јавног мњења становника Руске Федерације о ратовима у бившој Југославији у периоду 1992–2004, а посебно о односу према агресији НАТО‐а против СР Југославије у марту – априлу 1999, у чланку је показано да је у првој половини деведесетих година руско друштво поново открило традиционалну симпатију према Србима (од 7,5% подршке почетком 1993, до 31% средином 1995%). Види се, такође, и да је пораст просрпских осећања (као пример наводи се и најранија пронађена изјава В. Путина о агресији НАТО‐а из априла 1999) био пропраћен нарастањем антиамериканизма и одбојности према НАТО‐у. Одлучујући утицај на формирање антиамеричких ставова у руском друштву и елити имала је агресија НАТО‐а на СР Југославију 1999. године, која је дугорочно постала фундамент тих осећања и створила општеприхваћену перцепцију те агресије као крајње неморалног чина. У смислу политичких емоција руско друштво и руска елита деле виђење догађаја у екс‐Југославији потпуно различито од западног мејнстрима, што је довело до једног ширег осећаја недовољне подршке Србији као једног од симбола кризе и слабости Русије деведесетих година.
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Only limited attention has been paid in the international academic literature to Hungary’s foreign policy on the disintegration of and the wars in Yugoslavia — as Hungary did not play a crucial role in the wars—and the issue has not even been covered in the Hungarian literature in a comprehensive way. However, Hungary was also affected by the wars of the 1990s due to its geographical neighbourhood, the Hungarian minority living in Yugoslavia, and its NATO membership (since 1999). The present study aims to contribute to filling the literature gaps by providing an overview of Hungarian foreign policy toward Yugoslavia at that time, relying mainly on Hungarian sources. The study demonstrates the involvement of Hungary and summarises the activities of three Hungarian governments of the 1990s — the Antall government, the Horn government and the first Orbán government — in relation to the South Slavic wars and international peace missions, focusing on the most important events.
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Reaction/Letter to the editor
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Kosta Nikolic. Yugoslavia, last days - 1989–1992. People of Hate, Land of Death, 2. Belgrade: Službeni glasnik, 2020, 542.
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НАТО агресија у светлости правде, приредили Д. Елезовић, У. Шуваковић, Б. Ракић. Косовска Митровица: Филозофски факултет, 2019, 345.
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Коста Ст. Павловић. Дневник: 1930–1932, приредили Срђан Мићић, Наташа Милићевић. Београд: Историјски архив Београда, Институт за новију историју Србије, 2020, 570
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The Croat-Bosniak war is one of the least researched episodes of the Bosnian war. I reviewed the recent works of two regional authors who had access to original war records of the Bosnian Croats and the Bosniaks and then compared their findings with some of the representative views of secondary literature. Among other things, I focused on the Vance-Owen peace plan and the initial hostilities in the central Bosnian municipalities. My chief conclusion is that the importance placed on the Vance-Owen peace plan in secondary literature is misleading as it ignores the local military and political dynamics.
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Events from the early 1990s gave a fresh impetus for the scholarly inquiry into the causes of civil wars. The complete breakdown of the political order in Yugoslavia (1991-1995) and civil war in Rwanda (1994) renewed the interest of academics in identifying trends and patterns which precondition escalation of violence. The wider debates on the causes of civil wars usually distinguish between the objective factors such as the demographic structure of the population, type of political system and the level of economic development which make one society vulnerable to the outbreak of violence. Nevertheless, the tendency to analyze the objective reality which precludes the conflict, often means that the role of individuals, political elites and their incentives for waging a war are ruled out from the explanation. This paper adopts the approach that both the preconditions – objective factors and precipitants – triggers and catalysts of the conflict are important in determining its cause. In an attempt to enlighten the factors which contributed to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, this paper firstly aims to identify underlying tensions in Yugoslav society prior to its collapse. Secondly, it analyses the role of individuals in igniting the conflict. Finally, it concludes whether the approaches which emphasize the preconditions or precipitants offer sufficient explanation on the causes of civil war in Yugoslavia.
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Ovaj Izveštaj ispituje mogućnosti i daje preporuke za trajno odlaganje podataka o radu Međunarodnih krivičnih tribunala za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY)1 i Ruandu (ICTR)2, Specijalnog suda za Sijera Leone, Specijalnog veća i Jedinice za teška krivična dela u Istočnom Timoru i Internacionalizovanih sudova i tužilaca na Kosovu.
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