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Večeras sam večeru spremio sam. Sam sam u kući u Vašingtonu koja je pet puta veća od stana u kom sam odrastao u Beogradu. U jednom periodu u tom stanu je živelo nas petoro. To znači da je moj životni prostor uvećan 25 puta. Kako se to dogodilo?
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Profesionalna javnost u svim zemljama bivše Jugoslavije dugo je čekala na knjigu hrvatskog istoričara Tvrtka Jakovine o Budimiru Lončaru, poslednjem ministru inostranih poslova ove danas nepostojeće države. Podjednako dorasli svojim ulogama, istoričar i svedok istorije rad na knjizi započeli su razgovorom 13. jula 2004. godine. A zatim su, kao da pred sobom imaju sve vreme ovoga sveta, razgovarali do 2019/20. godine, kada su Frakturi predali rukopis za štampu. Već se javljala sumnja da će rukopis ikada biti završen. Na dugo nastajanje knjige uticale su, međutim, dve činjenice. Najpre, sadržaj knjige kao pokušaj razumevanja vremena, prostora i ljudi jedne male zemlje u svetu posle Drugog svetskog rata. A zatim, izvesne inovacije u metodu rada na knjizi takođe su zahtevale vreme.
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Između septembra 1941. i avgusta 1944. godine više od 20.000 ljudi je sa teritorije okupirane Jugoslavije odvedeno u nacistički koncentracioni logor Aušvic. Među jugoslovenskim žrtvama najviše je bilo Jevreja iz Bačke koja je bila pod mađarskom kontrolom nakon što je Nemačka okupirala ovu zemlju 1944. Skoro svi ovi Jevreji ubijeni su u Aušvicu. Druge žrtve deportovane iz Jugoslavije su bile manje grupe Jevreja iz nacističkih logora u okupiranoj Srbiji, ali i iz hrvatskih ustaških logora formiranih na teritoriji nacističke Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH). Deportovani su bili i Romi, kao i hiljade antifašista, partizanskih komunističkih boraca i njihovih simpatizera. Od 20.000 ljudi deportovanih iz Jugoslavije, manje od stotinu je preživelo do oslobađanja logora.
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Rehabilitacijsku 2016. godinu uglavnom su obeležila dva postupka: poništavanje sudske presude Alojziju Stepincu iz 1946. godine (što nije isto što i rehabilitacija po zakonu Srbije, ali sada to nije primarno) i tekući postupak za rehabilitaciju Milana Nedića. O ovim postupcima već je dosta pisano na različitim stranama i uz iznošenje različitih aspekata ovih nakaznih procesa. Iz brojnih reagovanja na ove, kao i na prethodne postupke, kristalisalo se nekoliko karakterističnih pristupa. Naime, odnos prema rehabilitacijama i poništavanjima “komunističkih” odluka podrazumeva tri modela: Najmalobrojniji su dosledni liberali-legalisti (liberali-revizionisti), tj. oni koji podržavaju sva poništavanja “komunističkih” procesa, ma na koga da se odnose. Drugu grupu, takođe srazmerno malobrojnu, čine legitimisti, tj. oni koji dosledno osuđuju svaki proces rehabilitacije kao relativizovanje kolaboracionizma i revizionistički udar na pozitivna istoriografska saznanja, držeći da su posleratne osude za kolaboraciju bile legitimne. Treću grupu, najbrojniju, čine nacional-legalisti (nacional-revizionisti), tj. oni koji bez ikakve kognitivne disonance “komunističke” procese cene prema tome koje je nacionalnosti njihova navodna žrtva. (Zakonsko rešenje koje je bilo na snazi u Srbiji do 2011. godine, po kojem se odvijao i odvija najveći broj spornih rehabilitacija praktično je onemogućavalo da se kristališe grupa koja bi zagovarala naknadnu ocenu u svakom pojedinačnom slučaju, zavisno od nečijeg stvarnog istorijskog delovanja.)
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Olivera Milosavljević (1951-2015) - Napustila nas je najoštrija srpska istoričarka. Na našu sreću, pre toga je napisala i izgovorila sve što treba reći o pokušaju revizije istorije na Balkanu.
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I tako, Srbija je ponovo jedinstvena po nečemu. Ona nema samo jedan već dva anti-fašistička pokreta, a u budućnosti će možda imati i još po koji. A to je sve samo dokaz velikog idejnog bogatstva, šarolikosti, pravičnosti i demokratičnosti elite našeg naroda. Ta elita Srbe kandiduje za nagradu za naj-postmodernističkiju naciju, onu koja rehabilitacijom đenerala potvrđuje visok stepen postignutog pluralizma mišljenja.
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Rat u Ukrajini preobražava čovječanstvo pred našim očima. Mislili smo da je ovakav rat nemoguć u 21. vijeku i da će svijet mirno poći u eru slobode, blistavog napretka, planetarne solidarnosti i izobilja za sve; a nakon jezivih prizora brutalnog razaranja ukrajinskih gradova, bombardiranja civila, žrtava na ulicama, izbjegličkih kolona – jasno je da svijet juri u katastrofu. Iako je svaki sukob drugačiji, skoro sve priče su svuda iste. Ljudi žele da žive u miru i često ne obraćaju pažnju na dinamiku događaja koji vode ka ratu. A, rat kad počne, veoma je teško zaustaviti ga.
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Već tri decenije u zainteresovanoj političkoj, akademskoj, ali i javnosti uopšte ponavlja se pitanje: da li je raspad Jugoslavije morao da bude tako krvav? Neki idu još i dalje pitajući se da li je raspad Jugoslavije uopšte bio neizbežan. Oba ova pitanja su svakako zanimljiv povod za debate, ali su, istovremeno, veoma neistorična: naknadna pamet je nemoćna pred stvarnim tokom istorije. Raspad i rat su se dogodili, ne samo odnoseći jednu multinacionalnu integraciju impresivnog potencijala u istoriju, već i uništavajući desetine hiljada života i utičući negativno na milione ljudi od Slovenije do Kosova.
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Nakon 30 godina neovisnosti, prema različitim mjerilima Slovenija se u svijetu općenito smatra relativno razvijenom, sigurnom, ekološki čistom, turistički atraktivnom i socijalnom državom. Uključena je u sve značajne međunarodne institucije i još uvijek je ekonomski razvijenija od svih bivših jugoslavenskih republika. Prema takozvanom Ginijevom koeficijentu, koji mjeri nejednakost dohotka, jedna je od zemalja s najravnomjernije raspodijeljenim dohotkom među kućanstvima u EU.
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30 godina samostalnosti Hrvatske i Slovenije: Sovjetska imperija se raspala bez nasilja iako je 27 miliona Rusa ostalo da živi van granica nove Ruske federacije. Česi i Slovaci su se rastali uz šampanjac. Zašto je Jugoslavija nestala u krvi? Govori istoričarka Latinka Perović. Razgovor vodi Svetlana Lukić.
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The enterprise known as Trepca is a sprawling conglomerate of some 40 mines and factories, located mostly in Kosovo but also in other locations in Serbia and Montenegro. Its activities include chemical processing and production of goods as varied as batteries and paint. But the heart of its operations, and the source of most of its raw material, is the vast mining complex to the east of Mitrovicë/a in the north of Kosovo, famous since Roman times. This report examines the current position of the mines, together with the associated smelting complex at nearby Zvecan. The future of Trepca cuts to the heart of the Kosovars' identity. Its great mineral wealth is the basis of the economy of Kosovo, but the complex is badly run-down as a result of under-investment and over-exploitation by governments in Belgrade. Trepca figured largely among the issues over which Albanians took to the streets in 1988/9, and the issue of control over the mines has assumed tremendous symbolic importance. Trepca, as one circumspect Kosovar observed, is Kosovo's Berlin Wall. It has long stood for Kosovar Albanians as the symbol of Serbian oppression and of their own resistance.
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Montenegro has been a crisis-in-waiting for two years now, with Belgrade opposing efforts by a reform-minded government under President Milo Djukanovic to distance itself ever further from its federal partner Serbia. Federal President Slobodan Milosevic has steadily escalated the pressure against Djukanovic, probing the extent of NATO support for Montenegro and pushing the Montenegrins toward a misstep that might undermine their international backing. Djukanovic is under some domestic pressure to move faster towards holding a referendum, but all his foreign contacts are advising him to go carefully and not provoke Belgrade into a response, and for the moment he is being patient. For its part, the Belgrade regime seems content for now to play a cat-and-mouse game with the Montenegrin government and population, keeping them nervous and not knowing what to expect. Montenegro’s dualcurrency system—with both Deutschmarks and dinars as legal tender—appears to have stabilised the economy at the cost of unwelcome if temporary inflation, but Serbia has intensified its trade and financial blockade.
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Reunification of Mostar is key to the reintegration of separatist Herzegovinian Bosnian Croats into Bosnia. After years of fruitless post-Dayton efforts to wean the Bosnian Croats from Zagreb and reorient them toward a constructive role in Bosnia, the international community at long last has the capability to achieve this goal. The success of the democratic forces in Croatia in the January-February elections there has brought reliable partners to power with whom the international community can work in Bosnia. Policy initiatives in Herzegovina will not require new resources and, if achieved, can lead to a reduction in the international profile in Bosnia. Failure to act on these opportunities will cripple the Bosnian peace effort and weaken the new government in Croatia. These issues present serious policy challenges.
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This report names individuals in eighteen Republika Srpska municipalities and the Brcko District who are alleged to have committed indictable acts or supervised those who did so, and are therefore potentially indictable for war crimes under the criteria established by the ICTY. Yet they continue to play a prominent role in their respective areas, and present significant barriers to the implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords. Senior international officials know about them. Many meet frequently with international officials and representatives of SFOR. The influence of potential war criminals at the municipal and entity level is an open secret among international officials. The issue is often avoided, since it exposes contradictions between the international community’s commitment to justice and the rule of law, on the one hand, and the temptations of political expediency, on the other. And yet the persistence of radical politics in eastern RS follows logically from the fact that the international community permitted the SDS of indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic to participate in post-Dayton “democratic” elections. As one mayor in RS noted, “the SDS as a party protects war criminals because to do otherwise would call its entire concept into question.”1 More significantly, the failure to arrest Karadzic himself has sent a message to his wartime colleagues and political successors that they can obstruct return, actively work against Dayton implementation, exploit nationalist sentiments, and remain untouchable.
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Given the series of disappointing election results since the first post-Dayton elections in 1996, it is time for the international community to rethink an inherited strategy that places unrealistic hopes on elections. Instead, the international community should fully exercise the powers given to it under the Dayton Peace Accord to attack the economic and political causes of the tenacity of Bosnian nationalism. This report highlights critical issues demanding immediate decisions: How is the influence of extremists to be curbed? To what extent should the international community try directly to manage a protectorate in Bosnia? And to what extent, and in what respects, should the governance provisions in the Dayton Agreement be modified? Each of these issues will be the subject of forthcoming ICG reports.
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In this report , the International Crisis Group (ICG) makes many recommendations as to how best to move forward, some of them going well beyond the present cautious international consensus. The test for us in each case has not been what is currently acceptable in the diplomatic marketplace - though many of our recommendations should be - but what will contribute to lasting peace, bearing always in mind the need to apply consistent principles and to consider the wider consequences of every action. This report is built on the experience of five years of field-based analysis by the ICG. Since our first project commenced in Sarajevo in 1996, we have produced on the Balkans three book-length reports and over 140 other reports and briefing papers. This is the first time we have tried to look at the region as a whole, addressing all the outstanding issues, applying experience learned elsewhere , and identifying wherever possible common policy themes and approaches . It is an approach we have long been urging upon governments themselves ,who have too often responded in an ad hoc and piecemeal fashion to problems crying out for a comprehensive approach.
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Under the Constitutional Framework, authority for the justice sector – with the exception of the administration of courts - is reserved to the Special Representative of the Secretary General (SRSG). However, this does not absolve UNMIK of the responsibility to involve Kosovo officials in planning the system. The Department of Justice is currently developing a transition strategy for the implementation of UNMIK’s benchmarks. ICG calls on the Department to include Kosovo officials in the development of this strategy. Moreover, Kosovo officials should be gradually introduced into policy and planning functions more generally, co-head positions should be established in the Department of Justice, and international staff dedicated solely to building the capacity of local officials should be seconded into the Department. Finding the Balance also examines the prosecution of sensitive offences such as war crimes and ethnically motivated violence. Despite the significant resources devoted to the documentation of war crimes, they have largely gone unpunished as has subsequent violence against Kosovo’s minorities.
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The return and reintegration of Serb refugees and the full recognition of their rights continue to be politically sensitive. Political parties of the nationalist right, broadly antagonistic to Serb return, still enjoy considerable popular support, especially in the waraffected areas to which many would return. In thousands of cases the homes of would-be Serb returnees are occupied by displaced Croats, the majority from Bosnia. Moves to evict them have elicited fierce reactions, which the government has been reluctant to confront. Facing pressure on one side from the international community to end discrimination and facilitate refugee return, and on the other side from the nationalist right, the government has adopted halfmeasures designed to appease the international community while failing to fulfil its commitments. Though recent moves suggest a more serious approach, they do not go far enough. The international community should continue to insist that Croatia meet its obligations on return and reintegration in full.
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The right of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees to return to their homes in Kosovo is indisputable, and has become a top priority of the international community, and the United Nations Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). The late success of the returns process in Bosnia demonstrates that progress is not necessarily linear, and time must often pass before significant advances are made. The international community must be realistic in its expectations for Kosovo. While it is unclear how many IDPs will return, it is highly unlikely that large numbers of displaced will come back in the near future. However, all must be given the opportunity to exercise this right to return in safety and in dignity.
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This report points out the crucial issues that must be settled in the current round of talks if Mostar is to be made whole. It provides a brief sketch of previous attempts to unite the city; discusses the major problems arising from its continuing fragmentation; seeks to offer an explanation of why Mostar has emerged once more as a problem requiring an urgent solution; and introduces the various proposals currently being canvassed in political and intellectual circles. Its concluding section outlines the rudiments of an organisational solution, involving changes to the electoral system for the Mostar council and a reform of the legal concept of the city in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This has the potential to ensure that Mostar can be reborn – both as a functional unit of self-government and as a multinational community in which all citizens feel themselves to be fairly represented.
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