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Immediately after the end of World War II Turkey once more became entangled with the interests of the Great Powers. Turkey’s strategic importance of having territorial access to the Middle East and powerful nations’ attempts to predetermine the political orientation of the Turkish government led to a revitalization of politics by the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and the United States in relation to Ankara. Consequently, the post-war era became a turning point in Soviet-Turkish relations when the friendly relations, founded in the initial years of the Turkish Republic, were replaced with coolness and hidden enmities. The Soviet Union launched a planned “war of nerves” against Turkey by raising territorial claims and using the Armenian SSR and Georgian SSR for its own causes, which gave new impetus to the “Armenian issue” and a launch of campaign on repatriation of Armenians living abroad. It waged an intensive anti-Turkish propaganda in the mass media, and raised the question of revision of the 1936 Montreux Convention regarding the regime of the Turkish Straits with the aim of amending the treaty to its own interests.
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Slavophilism, which has an eminent place in Russian thought, is in fact a form of anti-expansionist thought that is in essence problematic in its relations with the state. Nevertheless, it may be seen that in the course of history the aforementioned movement occasionally turns out to advocate and justify Russian expansionism. The contemporary political milieu, as much as the choices of the Russian political elite, played a crucial role in this setting. The submission of Slavophilism to the best interests of Russian expansionism is indeed a fine example exposing the Russian state’s manipulation of various ideologies for the greater interests of the state. The relationship between Neo-Slavophilism and the Russian State shows that this policy is continued today. As it is known, although Neo-Slavophilism was the first ideology that the Russian State turned to in the post-separation period, it was abandoned within a short period of time due to its limited imperial vision, and Eurasianist thought become almost the official ideology of the state. The objective of this article is to expose Slavophilism’s historical relations with Russian expansionism. In this context, the ideological foundations of Slavophilism, which is considered the traditional way of thinking, and the opinions such as Pan-Slavism and Neo- Slavophilism, which are different forms of this ideology in the historical process, are discussed.
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The paper describes the social composition of the Hungarian parliament at the beginning of the 20th century. Research has found no discernible social differences among the various groups of the political elite the sociological character of which did not significantly differ. Taking this as a starting point we provide a statistical analysis of the members of parliament. We used national assembly data from 1901 and 1905 to carry out the comparative analysis of the members of parliament coming from different political backgrounds. We processed the database – containing nearly 600 members of parliament elected on these two occasions and 34 statistical variables for each – with the SPSS program. As a result, we could provide a statistical basis for the former findings of social historiography. According to our study, the social composition of the two parliaments of 1901 and 1905 were not significantly different, the political elite was sociologically uniform. Though the outcomes of the two elections were dominantly different, this was not discernible in the statistical indicators. The traditional political elite, the aristocracy and the former nobility were heavily represented in the parliament. The vast majority of the members of parliament had university degree, primarily from law, while intellectuals from other important fields of economy and culture were almost completely missing from the traditionally lawyer- dominated national assembly. When it came to political career, graduation in Budapest was an important factor. Two thirds of the members of parliament had spent some time in central government or local government administration before embarking on a career in politics.
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One of the major experiences of those who survived the First World War was the experience:“The soldiers are singing!”. This is especially (but not exclusively) true for the first days of the war and the enlistment period. Soldiers’ songs were an integral part of the cultural traditions of 19th-century men. The war changes the conditions of life not only for the members of the army but also for the whole society by recruiting a major part of the male population. Former soldiers’ songs may pick up additional meanings and new songs may be composed. Our study of soldiers’ songs from the First World War (that is those that were sang or collected at the time) shows that beside hatred, the defense of the country and putting the blame on the enemy, the main topics are conceit, manliness and courage. We have to remember that the army was traditionally seen as the symbol of transition from boy to man, the former members of the armed forces were to become full – male – members of the local communities. Despite the fact that the majority of the songs sung in the First World War was connected to past events, primarily to the War of Independence of 1848–49, it seems that, unlike in Germany, self-sacrifice in the war became a less organic part of the national ideology in Hungary. The main topics are parting, being far away and the relations to the mother and the lover. I believe that the momentum in the War that created a sense of national identity was mourning and loss and not the myth of heroism.
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The 19th century was eventful in both Spain and France. Although the diplomatic relations of the two countries had less and less to do with the “good neighbourhood” principle, the bordering zone of the Pyrenees always offered an asylum and a logistic base for those who were prosecuted by the regime, whether liberals under Ferdinand VII, royalists during the Liberal Triennium (1820–1823) or Carlists during the three Carlist Wars. Moreover, during the last Carlist War (1872–1876) the French, disappointed by the Empire and frightened by the Commune, showed a kind of sympathy towards the exiled Monarch whom they regarded as legitimate, and despite the diplomatic pressure from Madrid for the prosecution and deportation of the Pretender’s supporters in the name of good neighbourhood, Paris and the French local authorities – including some notables, aristocrats and clergymen – received them with a kind of indulgence or even sympathy.
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The aim of this study is to outline the Hungarian connections of the Augustineum (Caesareo- Regium Sublimioris Presbyterorum Educationis ad Sanctum Augustinum Institutum Viennense, in Hungarian: Szent Ágostonról nevezett Bécsi Felsőbb Papnevelő Intézet), a special institution of ecclesiastical elite education of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This task is very important. Neither the history of the Augustineum, nor the role it played within the Monarchy can be discussed without an analysis of the Hungarian contribution. During the existence of the institution between 1816 and 1918, 372 students were admitted from the dioceses of the Holy Hungarian Crown. This amounts to about 35% of the total number of students.The number of Latin-Rite students was 321. Among these, the Province of Esztergom was represented by 146 persons, the Provinces of Kalocsa-Bács and Zágráb by 118 (61 from Croatian dioceses), and the Province of Eger by 43. There were also 14 monks studying largely at their own expense. The number of students of the Greek Rites was 51. In the selection of the students the archbishop of Esztergom as the prince-primate of the country played a fundamental role. After the first decades of a different practice, he was the only one who could make a proposal to the monarch for the admission of new students. Yet the dioceses of the country were represented in appropriate proportions. The slightly overrepresented status of the Province of Esztergom (and the arch-diocese, 35 persons) can be explained by the fact that its seminar in Vienna, the Pazmaneum, provided suitable and readily available people for studies in higher education. The Hungarian contribution to the operation of the Augustineum was proportionate to the number of Hungarian students. [....]
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