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Andrzej Leder "Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej";Piotr Brożek "Niepamięć"
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Andrzej Leder "Prześniona rewolucja. Ćwiczenie z logiki historycznej";Piotr Brożek "Niepamięć"
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This article deals with a key figure of interwar Polish statistics andeconomics, Ludwik Landau (1902–1944) and his contributions to understandingEastern Europe as part of one world economy in the first half of the twentieth century. His key statistical publication, entitled World Economy(1939), was one of the first attempts to depict the world through the lens of global inequalities, a socio-scientific imaginary that became salient andtaken for granted after the Second World War and in the wake of decolonization.The article aims to explain the ways in which Central and East European Marxism, on the one hand, and international comparative statistics,on the other, were two intellectual resources that Landau combined in his representation of the vulnerable position of Eastern Europe in globalcapitalism.
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Although the impact outside the U.K. of E.P. Thompson’s work, The Making of the English Working Class (1963), has been recognized and pointed to many times, the ways in which Thompsonian categories and concepts, or Marxist thought from the West more broadly, was received in the countries of the former Eastern Bloc remain rather unclear. This paper traces the ways in which historians of the GDR, Poland and Czechoslovakia responded to these challenges to the official position of Marxist orthodoxy. Taking Thompson´s seminal piece as an example, it highlights the reception (or lack thereof) of Western influences on local scholarship and the dynamics of these encounters – whether they were affirmative or critical – in relation to the changing political landscape of East-Central European countries after World War II.
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The paper deals with relations between Czech and Polish sociological communities. In both countries, sociology was institutionalised shortly after the First World War, liquidated by the Communists, and renewed in the post-Stalinist period, but in Communist Czechoslovakia, it developed relatively freely only during a brief period in the 1960s. There existed a mutual interest between the sociologists of the two countries, although they did not have much contact, except in the 1960s. Most of the time, the Czechs were more interested in Polish social science than the other way around. The intensity and asymmetry of their relations can be best explained by the changing position of both countries within the international scholarly community. After the Second World War, they remained on the semiperiphery of the Western scholarly community, even though in the Communist period they belonged to the supposedly alternative world of Marxist sociology. The exceptional position of Polish sociology in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s was therefore the result of its role as an intermediary for accessing the dominant Western sociology.
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Ivan Lovrenović is an intellectual living in Sarajevo, a writer, publicist, and author of essays and treatises on Bosnian culture and history. This text is a case study describing selected aspects of Lovrenović’s output. The author not only asks questions about the whole of Lovrenović’s intellectual activities but about the position of the intellectual in Bosnia and Herzegovina. She discusses how intellectual activity is conditioned by local circumstances.Lovrenović has advocated a common Bosnian culture, consistently pointing to the danger of dividing descriptions of the Bosnian-Herzegovinan world into solely Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian parts. Lovrenović is considered a total intellectual on account of the complexity of his activities to understand, describe, and systematically propagate that idea, his consistent attitude of protest, and also his commitment to defending common sense.
More...LETTERS FROM A SOLDIER
Based on about one hundred postcards and letters, which have been saved, written by Osif Kološnjaji from Ruski Krstur, this article focuses on his life and movements since the time he was called up as a reservist of the Yugoslav Army to the Sombor barracks where he remained until the beginning of the German attack on Yugoslavia. In the postcards he sent to his wife Veruna, he not only writes about private matters, but also describes his view of the circumstances in the reservist units, as well as in the entire Yugoslav Army at that time. As a reservist of the Hungarian Army, where he was drafted twice, in 1942 and 1943, he didn't write much. During the second "military training" he was convinced that by the time they finished their job at the tailor's shop they would return home. However, in early January 1944 he was mobilized and sent to the Eastern Front where he spent almost half a year in the territory of northwestern Ukraine and southwestern Belarus. Obviously, he was not allowed to write in more detail in the mail from the front on places and military actions, but he nevertheless gave a lot of interesting information about military operations, the situation in the Army, about his own experiences of the war and the horrors of war, as well as on the Ruthenians and men from Krstur who at that time were with him or not very far away from him. Since he had been wounded in the territory of southeastern Poland and transported for treatment to Austria, he wrote only a few of the last letters and postcards that have been preserved. The letters and postcards make a valuable source material that considerably enriches and illuminates the stay of his fellow citizens in German work camps and their participation in the Second World War in the units of the occupying Hungarian Army
More...RELATIONS BETWEEN UKRANIANS AND SERBIANS THROUGHOUT HISTORY: CONTACTS, TOPOLOGY AND STYLISTICS
One of the biggest influences on the relations among Ukranians and Serbians was the process of Serbian migrations on the territory of the south and east Ukraine during the mid 18th century. This research analyzes the methodological principles of the Slavic studies in the 19th century and the following period of the Soviet Slavistics. In the research, the apology of the Russian imperial politics in the colonization of the Ukranian territory is dominant. Ukranian intellectuals of the imperial period tried to subtly, due to the political restraints, point out the negative consequences of such migrations, primarily for the future of Zaporoške Siči. In this paper, the 18th century migration of Serbians towards the Russian empire is viewed from various perspectives. Other than the political motivation of the migration and the Serbian search for “liberation” in the monotheistic Russia, this migration is also analyzed as a form of the Slavic baroque. This myth of Russia being the saviour collapsed, as the immigrants were used to destroy the independence of Ukraine, and, afterwards, were assimilated. Novoserbija and Slavenoserbija were used by the empire as a bait to use the Serbian masses in their imperial expansion, and as an instrument to tear down the backbone of the nation - the Ukranian kozaks. The fate of the Serbain immigrants was similar to the one of the Ukranians, as they were both assimilated. However, the process of migration is reflected in the toponymy, literature, historical research and the interethnic relations on the territory of the south-east Ukraine. Here, it is shown how the toponymies of the immigrants occurred where the Ukranian names already existed, and whether the Serbian namings disappeared or survived in the following historical periods. The Serbian ancestry of a number of the Ukranian intellectuals is emphasized. The relations formed in the 18th century among the Ukranians and Serbians are only one part of the permanent and fruitful relations among these two nations. In this critical period, they were used by the Russian’s anti-ukrainism to show the imperial political orientation
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The phenomenon of power accompanies the whole history of mankind. In any protosocial community, at the level of biological packs, power is expressed in the distribution of dominance-subordination relations between biological individuals. Such a distribution in biology is due to the need for the pack to survive, to fit into the changing ecosystem conditions. In the course of the study, the characteristics of ideological discourse in industrial social space, the distinguishing features of a totalitarian ideological discourse, the modern form of ideology – the invisible ideology of postmodernism – have been analysed. It was concluded that the two leading principles of postmodernism – tolerance and hedonism today are faced with a new traditionalism or rather a new archaic mass consciousness. As a result of this clash, most likely, a new form of ideological discourse will appear, more severe than postmodernism and more rationally justified than nationalism or religious fundamentalism
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Natural causes have damaged most of the ancient rock art sites to certain extent. Thus, some rock plates were split off the granite capes of the Onega petroglyphic site by waves and moving ice. As a result, some of separated rock plates including those with ancient engravings were relocated or destroyed. Seven rock plates from Peri Nos III and Peri Nos VI capes were transported by researchers to the State Hermitage Museum and the National Museum of the Republic of Karelia. The initial location of some of these rock plates has not been identified yet. The article describes the methods of reconstructing the rock plates’ initial position at the rock surface of Peri Nos VI Cape: searching for relocated rock plates, placing them where they allegedly chipped off, positioning with the help of transparent plastic copies, and virtual positioning using 3D models. This method can be used in further studies for reconstructing other capes of the Onega petroglyphic site, as well as for similar tasks at other rock art sites.
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A reverse is a side, the opposite, but (in Polish) also an IOU of sorts, evidence of a promise to pay back a debt. A word is the reverse of silence but also a reverse of that, which leaves a lump in the throat and renders us speechless. The word can be an obligation, including one that cannot be lived up to. The author attempts to reveal and vocalize thus comprehended reverses – well aware of the fact that actually he would like demonstrate the reverse of silence.The sketch discusses reflections dealing with the status, form, and semiotic potential of handwritten accounts of Shoah, for more than forty years part of the Jan Manugiewicz home archive and today in the possession of the “Brama Grodzka – Teatr NN” Centre in Lublin. An integral part of the article consists of reproductions of the accounts and their reverse sides.
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An archive of sorts can exist within one’s body, cf. memory or DNA. Hidden archive containing the knowledge of one’s ancestors can sometimes induce a change of identity. Some Poles with Jewish roots have gone the way of de-assimilation, or the reversal of assimilation. Almost never does it lead to de-Polonization. At present, virtually all Polish Jews exist as Jews due to the process of de-assimilation. In the paper, a list of circumstances facilitating the process is presented.
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The topic of this text is the photographic archive of Stefania Gurdowa. An unexpected discovery of her 1200 glass negatives, walled up in an attic in one of the town houses in Dębica, was made in 1997. Intermittent numbering demonstrates that we are dealing with fragments of a wider photographic body (whose extent remains unknown). The very existence of this collection (which is actually coincidental) generates two important questions: what does the process of situating photographs within an archival context say about them, but also what do they contribute to knowledge about the composite and unambiguous idea of an archive? While attempting to bring the Gurdowa archive alive the author of the article confronts the artist’s glass images (in a representative selection) with poems-biograms from Spoon River Anthology by E.L. Masters.
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This Theme is a portrayal of the presence of the theme of Holocaust in the post-war circulation of folk art in Poland: the oeuvre of artists and the strategies of collectors, custodians, and curators. The author devotes much attention to the role played by Aleksander Jackowski, for many years editor-in-chief of “Polska Sztuka Ludowa” (1952–1998), in generating the reception of so-called “naive art”. References to biographies of persons creating the circulation of this particular art together with their wartime experiences comprise a backdrop for reflections dealing with the impact of anti-Semitism in Polish culture. The text was written upon the basis of the outcome of the Awkward Objects of Genocide research project realised as part of the activity of the Transmitting Contentious Cultural Heritages with the Arts: From Intervention to Co-Production: TRACES (2016–2019) European consortium concentrated on controversial European heritage. More on: www.widokzzabliska.eu (www.terriblyclose.eu).
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The article analyzes the political and social climate in German society at the time of the outbreak of the Great War and the intellectual elite’s reaction to the war. All interest groups war to be declared defensive in all interest groups the Reich was „besieged” by the Entente forces and it hadto defense against the „barbaric east”. The war euphoria pervaded all strata of society, based on the myths of German military invincibility and cultural excellence. The whole society was convinced of the war victory. The war was interpreted as a „German revolution”, as a victory of the „German soul” and „culture”. The intellectual elite loyal to the monarchy and the Kaiser supported the war. The war was interpreted as a conflict of the ideals of the French Revolution (freedom, equality, brotherhood), as opposed to the „Idea of 1914” (duty, order, justice) and thus justified and legitimizes. „Ideas from 1914” are, in short, grounded against English „merchant souls”, French „Gallic superficiality” and „Slavic despotism”. The „Ideas of 1914” gave birth to an Appeal to a civilized world in which German intellectuals show solidarity with the German army, denying that Germany provoked the war, violated the neutrality of Belgium and that its army committed crimes and cultural barbarism. Russia and Serbia are blamed for the war. Russia’s goal was to increase world power on the ruins of Austria and Germany and to establish hegemony over the South Slavic people. The war brought to light the old war goals that were widely accepted by political, military and cultural elite and interest groups. These goals were threefold and were directed to the West, East and Southeast. The intellectual elite – in addition to the economic elite, trade and industrial associations and numerous clubs – supported the policy of war goals and 122 * Retired scientific advisor, Institute of Social Sciences, sloba5.vukovic@gmail.com. Slobodan Vuković, Mobilizacija za rat u Drugom Rajhu i „Ideje iz 1914” 131 advocated the territorial annexation and growth of Germany into a world power, the creation of a colonial empire and penetration into the East and Southeast. Enthusiasm for the war waned after facing war atrocities, protracted trench battles, loss of loved ones, shortages and material hardships, conscription for the army of 13million inhabitants and, above all, defeats, which the Germans did not hope for, nor did they, after more than a hundred years, accepted. In the first six months of the war alone, between 35,000 and 40,000 civilians (mostly Serbs) were hanged and executed in the Balkans. After a hundredyears, modern Germany apologized for the crimes committed in Belgium, but not, like Austria, for the crimes of its armies committed in the East and Southeast.
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