
Пояснените думи в среднородопските възрожденски писмени паметници с гръцко писмо (Особености и тенденции в речниковото вариране)
Rhodopean revival; history of Bulgarian language; Rhodope revival written tradition; lexical features
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Rhodopean revival; history of Bulgarian language; Rhodope revival written tradition; lexical features
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The Romanian and German school textbooks, especially those for primary education, edited during the Austrian and Romanian period and used in the Bukovinian schools, contain illustrations that played an important role in the learning of Romanian and German languages. By using intuitive materials, students were able to easily observe and understand the meaning of words and texts with educational-cognitive content, to acquire rich notions and vocabulary, to express what they see, feel and think through clear and correct speech, to learn through discovery and association. Observation of images of beings, animals, things, nature was aimed at developing the child’s ability to observe, think, describe and express the child, developing the students’ memory, imagination and creativity, as well as acquiring new knowledge from various fields (literature, history, geography, botany, anatomy, music, art, technique, and so on).
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The text below presents a short history of primary education in Bukovina and capitalizes on the historical data gathered by Nicodim Ițcuș regarding the establishment of primary schools in this province. At the same time the author presents some relevant data regarding the schooling of pupils in normal schools in Bukovina in 1913-1914 and 1927-1928.
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The relevance of the study is dictated by the intensification of relations between the Russian Federation and Asian countries. Vietnam in this context is one of the positive examples of bilateral cooperation. Vietnamese school history books, popular science publications, comics and video materials are used as research sources. Methodologically, the study is carried out within the framework of the concept of sociocultural interaction between the two states. For the Vietnamese authors, the continuity of key state officials and Russia’s historical eras is important. In school textbooks, comics and videos, one can trace the unity of perception of Russia through evaluating Ivan IV, Peter the Great, Catherine II, Vladimir Lenin and Vladimir Putin (representing modern Russia) as the organizers of a strong state. For the authors of comics, it becomes mandatory to illustrate Russia’s policy in the Far East: Peter the Great’s advance to Kamchatka, trade with China, the development of Siberia by Catherine II, the expansion of the territory of the Russian Empire to Alaska, the organization of a trading mission to Japan. Promoting a positive image of Russia in Vietnam, in particular through the image of Peter the Great, is productive and can bring positive results for the bilateral relations. This is an important and time-consuming process in the era of information pressure on people, when positive images are used for various purposes
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Among the families with an important role in the history of Buzău lands are the Marghilomans,with significant contributions in the socio-economic and political life of the country. Among them, Nicolae Marghiloman was the heir of Maria Cioran, who died before 1787. According to the records from 1829 and 1831,Nicolae Marghiloman, who lived in Buzău, had a son, Matache (Dumitru) Marghiloman, who had two sons Mihai (Miahalache) and Ion (Iancu). Ion (Iancu) Marghiloman great owner, deputy and senator, together with his wife, Irina, descendant of the family of the Oltenian boyars Izvoranu, had three children, two boys Alexandru,the future prime minister and Mihail (Mişu), about whom it was said that he did not do politics and lived longerin Paris, where he married, and a daughter, Elena, married Scarlat (Charles) Pherekyde.
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The communication presented, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the enthronement of Alba Iulia, wishes a tribute and pious gratitude to King Ferdinand and the politician of deep patriotic resonance, who was for almost 15 years the president of the Conservative Party – Alexandru Marghiloman. Both the king and the true conservative politician were animated in the years of the First World War, by a special perseverance to fulfill the great desideratum of the full unication of all Romanian territories and the creation of Great România. The “unifying” king, closely advised by a competent chamberlain, I would say, who had at his top the incomparable liberal leader I.I.C. Brătianu and Queen Maria. Even if he did not excel in the specific skills of at rue political leader, being more inclined to scientific and cultural concerns, King Ferdinand knew how to choose his advisers and engage them in the fulfillment of national ideals. Such was the case of Alexandru Marghiloman, who, due to his special abilities, was elected by I.I.C. Brătianu and proposed to the king to form a government that would treat and conclude peace with the Central Powers, when the country was in great danger, in the spring of1916. In our paper, we insisted on the most realistic presentation of the way in which Alexandru Marghiloman and his team acted to save the country, but especially of those measures and actions taken under the conditions of concluding the armistice and signing the separate capitulation by the defeated Central Powers. I also insisted on a more realistic presentation of the two personalities of the time, who also left their mark on the front page of what would become, through the joint efforts of the sovereign, also of the president of the Conservative Party, Greater Romania.
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The holy act of reuniting with Bessarabia (March 27 / April 9, 1918) is intrinsically linked to the personality of the conservative politician Alexandru Marghiloman. According to him, the process of denationalization of Romanians had reached much more alarming levels in Bessarabia than in Transylvania.The brightest moment of his government was the union of Bessarabia with the Kingdom of Romania which interfered with both the military and the Orthodox church.The renowned author of the Political Notes 1897–1924 provides us with valuable information about the memorable historical moments and about the mood of the artisans of those long-awaited moments, integral parts of the multisecular project of National Integration.In the sense of the “Wallachian lord”, the union of Bessarabia with the Motherland, after 106 years of Tsarist occupation, was the fruit of divine providence.
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The Prime Minister of Romania Alexandru Marghiloman had a stay in Chișinău for only two days, participating in the works of the Country Council (Sfatul Țării) on March 27, 1918. We set out, based on the „Political Notes”, to re-establish the route followed by Al. Marghiloman to know the Chișinău of those times to see the metamorphoses of the city and how today’s generation contributes to the rehabilitation and promotion of this important part of the cultural and historical heritage. Our itinerary includes Chișinău station, The London Hotel, V. Herța’s urban villa, Gymnasium no. 3, Chisinau Military Circle, Cathedral of Christʼs Nativity and The Club of Nobility.
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The article makes a comparative analysis of the status of land property in the Ottoman Empire (within the period from 1839 to 1878) and Bulgaria after the Liberation (1879–1912). The findings indicate significant discrepancies. While in the Ottoman Empire land property (rakaba) ideally belongs to the state, in practice the immediate agricultural producer feels a full-right owner and landlord, according to the traditional understanding of private property law. The owners’ rights are protected by a high-class procedure on issuing land ownership documents, cadaster starts to be kept (in the 1860s) and practically there is no data of social tension concerning the land status and property ownership – the state manages to cover and protect it. Contrary to this, in the Principality of Bulgaria, the newly introduced Constitution guarantees private land ownership but in practice the state administration cannot provide for it. Due to this fact, there is a lot of information on infringement and insecurity in land ownership.
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The notion “zadruga” was introduced in the scientific research literature, as well as in the social and political discourse of the then young Balkan countries in the XIX century to mark the multitude of historical forms under which the “complex family organization” was known among the South-Slavic people in the region. Following broad discussion in the fields of historic demography and anthropology in the past three decades concerning this “Balkan Family Pattern” this paper aims to contribute and continue their findings. Therefore, it concentrates on the usage of the term “zadruga” and its meanings in the context of the nation- and institutional building in the newly-forming Bulgarian state at the end of the XIX and the beginning of the XX centuries, as well as in the cooperative movement in the agrarian sector of the interwar period. It also analyses the attempts of the new communist leaders to use the traditions of the pre-modern society in terms of communal living in zadruga through the imposition cooperative system and the nationalization of the arable land in the first years under the totalitarian system following the Second World War.
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This research is focusing on the memorial fountain that was built by Bulgarian teachers in the spring of 1942 during the Bulgarian occupation of Eastern Macedonia and Western Thrace (1941–1944), in honor of the Bulgarian and German soldiers near the village of Giouretzik (Ruzdene, now Granitis), Drama. The monument – as a site of memory – is studied both aesthetically and semiotically: its form, the choice of its site – which is a key “landscape of defence”, – and its direct and hidden symbolisms. In addition to that, the official Bulgarian state policy of memory concerning the fallen soldiers – Bulgarian and German – until 1944, and how this top-down policy was implemented locally is also studied. In this context, a bottom-up urban policy was produced by the Bulgarian community of Drama. The research focuses on the characteristics of this policy too. Dialectical thinking and interconnectedness of the “landscape of defence” are used as crucial tools in this research. The photos and sketches included seek to provide an additional documentation on the research conclusions.
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The article outlines the main directions in the immigration policy of socialist Bulgaria in the period 1944-1989 and analyzes the consequences of this policy with regard to the demographic and socio-economic development of the country. For this purpose, it examines the measures taken by the new government aimed at: support and accommodate the Bulgarian refugees and migrants who arrived after September 9, 1944 from the Aegean, Macedonia and the Western Outskirts; reception and assistance of political immigrants and refugees from Greece, Yugoslavia, Korea and the Middle East seeking asylum in Bulgaria; attracting students and workers from socialist countries and the so-called developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
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The main purpose of the study is to show the KGB documents concerning the personnel of the International Committee of the Red Cross, which are held in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine in Transcarpathia, Uzhgorod and give evidence about the deportations to the Soviet Union during the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. To write my study I used the following method: analysing archival documents, study professional literature. Results: Nowadays, more and more archival sources prove that Transcarpathia had an important role during the days of the Hungarian revolution in 1956, and also in the period after it. The representatives of the Soviet political leadership, that led the crushing of the revolution, settled at Uzhgorod. The KGB leaders, and high-ranking officers delegated from Moscow to Transcarpathia constantly informed the Soviet Union Communist Party’s Central Committee and Secretariat. Also, from Uzhgorod they organized the deportations of the Hungarian revolutionists to the Soviet Union. Three members of the ICRC were among the deported ones, who were taken to the prison to Uzhgorod. The ICRC had sent a telegram to Dmitri Shepilov, the Soviet foreign minister concerning the Hungarian peoples’ deportation to the Soviet Union, in early November 1956. It received a very short answer from Andrei Gromyko, then deputy foreign minister, suggesting the organization instead of the Soviet authorities should contact the Hungarian government. At the end of the year, Janos Kadar announced that all deportees had been repatriated, and according to the KGB documents most of them were really taken back to Hungary, among them the co-workers of the ICRC.
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During and after the end of the Cold War, the State Department of USA made every effort to convince the world that disinformation was a Russian word and a Soviet practice. Through constant repetition, the concept has become a byword for the dissemination of false information in the period of ideological opposition, but along with the emphasis on foreign efforts, the United States’ own participation in this type of activity is conveniently omitted. Historical facts show that disinformation plays a significant role in the covert operations of American intelligence with a major author and executor in the face of the CIA.
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The publication is a collection of previously unpublished reports from Russian military agents in the Balkans, dedicated to the problem of Bulgarian-Turkish cooperation between the Balkan wars and the First World War. In the published array of sources, two main storylines can be distinguished. The first concerns information about the political rapprochement between Bulgaria and Turkey and the negotiations between them on the conclusion of a secret military convention directed against Greece and Serbia. The second block of questions concerns cooperation between the Internal Revolutionary Macedonian-Adrianople Organization (IMARO) and the Young Turks’ leadership in organizing sabotage and chetnik attacks on the Greek and Serbian territory of Macedonia. The cited material demonstrates, on the whole, the high efficiency of Russian intelligence, which managed to catch the vector of Bulgarian-Turkish interaction and supply the Foreign Policy Department in St. Petersburg with valuable information obtained through intelligence. The Russian authorities were informed about the main stages of the Bulgarian- Turkish negotiation process, as well as about the eventual plans of Bulgaria and Turkey regarding the revision of the Bucharest Treaty. The published documents allow us to conclude that, despite the presence of tangible contradictions between Sofia and Constantinople, the negotiations between them in 1913-1914 paved the way that led to the signing in August 1914 of the Bulgarian-Turkish Union Treaty, which hastened Turkey’s entry into the World War and securely fastened Bulgaria to the camp of the Triple Alliance powers.
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Endowment as a possessed form of charity was very much present in the life of Serbian communities. Endowments are one of the best examples of an individual's love and respect for their nationality and for the spiritual and intellectual support of Serbian youth and intellectuals. The times that followed the Second World War diminished the public's interest in this type of charity, ie the fate of these funds became uncertain until they were extinguished. Today, when they are no more, the learned good deeds and the significance they had in life testify to them the most. Archival material, as well as other rich bibliography, provide a real opportunity to present the life of these endowments and their creators, as a phenomenon of exceptional importance in the Serbian people. Leaving their endowments to those who will come into the world after them, the endowments are permanently ugly. Conscious of their presumed role in a given time and space must not replace the work of those who, through self-preservation, love for the people and their neighbors and noble feelings, considered it our duty to publish their immortal deeds.
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