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Rien de plus simple, paraît-il, que d’expliquer le sens de la « sécularisation », un concept qui, depuis le début de la modernité, compte parmi les lieux communs de la philosophie – fût-elle politique ou religieuse. « Séculariser » veut dire simplement séparer l’Église de l’État, restituer à chacune de ces deux institutions la vocation qui lui est propre : le pouvoir des choses célestes au clergé, celui des choses terrestres au prince. Ce que, paradoxalement, le Christ l’avait lui-même recommandé à ses disciples : « Donnez au César ce qui appartient au César et à Dieu ce qui appartient à Dieu! ». Mais si la sécularisation a été affirmée avant la lettre par Jésus Christ, on peut se demander si la séparation entre l’Église et l’État est conforme à l’image que ces institutions se sont faite d’elles-mêmes. N’oublions pas que quelques importantes découvertes scientifiques et techniques de la modernité ont surgi en milieu monastique. Est-il possible que la sécularisation soit la conséquence d’un processus historique que l’Église avait déclenché elle-même mais dont les effets l’ont ensuite dépassée? Il s’agirait, dans ce cas-là, non pas de séparation mais plutôt d’un décalage.
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Le flux récent de la publication systématique des cours donnés par Heidegger à Fribourg et à Marbourg, de plusieurs correspondances épistolaires, permet d’éclairer d’un jour nouveau la sentence célèbre mais énigmatique de 1959 : « Sans cette provenance théologique, je ne serais jamais parvenu sur le chemin de la pensée, mais provenance demeure toujours avenir », (Herkunft aber bleibt stets Zukunft)1. On le sait mieux désormais : le vocabulaire de la provenance sollicité par Heidegger, ne dit pas simplement son « enracinement » dans le monde socio-catholique, non plus seulement sa « dette » vis à vis des schèmes fondamentaux de la théologie ; il indique aussi et paradoxalement, sa sortie progressive de la théologie chrétienne, vécue dans l’incessant dialogue avec celle-ci2. Dans un texte autobiographique daté des années 1937/38 récemment publié, Heidegger écrit : « Et qui voudrait méconnaître le fait que tout le chemin que j’ai parcouru jusqu’ici fut tacitement accompagné par le débat avec le christianisme, un débat qui ne fut pas et qui n’est pas un problème glané au hasard, mais la sauvegarde de la provenance la plus propre (...), et qui est en même temps le détachement douloureux de tout cela? Seul celui qui fut ainsi enraciné dans un monde catholique réellement vécu, aura quelque idée des nécessités qui ont influencé le chemin de mon questionnement parcouru jusqu’ici, telles des secousses telluriques souterraines »
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Phenomenology of management seeks to grasp the essence of manager's work – its core is the analysis of leadership. Phenomenology of leadership is an approach that makes the idea “to be someone – to do something” becomes the guiding principle of of management. Max Scheler’s “moral flight” phenomenology is one of the most important inspiration in the analysis of leadership. His anthropology reveals that being a man is in fact a continuing task that is impossible to take, and the result depends on the man himself. Scheler’s phenomenology is a good way to discover the essence of leadership (eidos) in the process of culture change. This article presents a case study: Ricardo Semler’s inner transformation, who might overcome the technocratic attitude and make the “moral flight”. The main inspiration for him was a metaphor “builder of cathedrals”. As a result of his own inner transformation has become a “builder of cathedrals”, such as a leader, who serves – it was a condition for conversion of others in the “cathedral builders”. As a result of the Semler's “moral flight” their company was transformed in “cathedral builders” guild – community of work.
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A comprehensive review on F. R. Ankersmit's A történelmi tapasztalat (Historical Experience).
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For Hölderlin the Greeks were not just one of his issues but, from the very outset, the only issue. However, there is a crucial moment in his attitude to the Greeks. This was when Hölderlin turned, with the same gesture, to the problematic of theatre (is tragedy still possible?) and translation (do the Greeks still speak to us, and can we coax them into doing so?) This was another, but more rigorous method of continuing the work begun long before in the field of mimesis. It was to transpire that Greece is not something that can be imitated
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In this article, trust in Bosnia and Herzegovina was analyzed using three different approaches: First, trust in institutions was evaluated using Yael Tamir’s remarks regarding cultural content of institutions. It was combined with studies covering corruption made by Transparency International. Second, trust between individuals was confronted to trust between groups based on difference of concepts of intimacy at those two levels. Klaus Offe’s work regarding trust was supplemented to previous point. Finally, obstacles to trust between groups in BiH were looked at through prism of Freud’s superego creation concept.
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A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China This book documents an Islamic-Confucian school of scholarskip that flourished, mostly in the Yangzi delta, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Drawing on previously unstudied materials, it reconstructs the network of Muslim scholars responsible for the creation and circulation of a large corpus of Chinese Islamic written material – the so-called Han Kitab. Against the backdrop of the rise of the Manchu Qing dynasty, The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China shows how the creation of this corpus, and of the scholarly network that supported it, arose in a context of intense dialogue between Muslim scholars, their Confucian social contex, and China’s imperial rulers. Overturning the idea that participation in Confucian culture necessitated the obliteration of all other identities, this book offers insight into the world of a group of scholars who felt that their study of the Islamic classics constituted a rightful “school” within the Confucian intellectual landscape. These men were not the first Muslims to master the Chinese Classics. But they were the first to express themselves specifically as Chinese Muslims and to generate foundation myths that made sense of their place both within Islam and within Chinese culture. This book traces the process by which they did so, and adds to the growing body of historiography on late imperial China that attempts to move beyond the dichotomizing paradigm of “sinification”.
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This text analyses the specific Jean/Luc Nancy’s understanding of community, the singular and plural Being and the question of “mondialization”. A small coda added is his note concerning the important subject of Biopolitics (and bioethics!). Nancy’s attempt at establishing a community is the philosophical construction of an open-ended theoretical, but also of a practical value. Similarly, supporting the singular-plural Being, it is a sign of the attempt of philosophical constitution of a different world, which would be beyond the terror of capital and neo-liberal destruction of the living-world (Lebenswelt) as well as interconnected in relation of Being-together (co-existential analytics). Namely, taking “selfhood” as that Being-constituent, as the foundation of sense/meaning, Nancy want to transform Heidegger’s existential analysis of Here-Being (Dasein) from Sein und Zeit into an all encompassing co-existential analytics. After all, the main question of his efforts is: how to regain community?
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Poststructuralism, probably the most significant orientation in modern French philosophy, based its political intervention on a certain critique of humanism and the legitimizating ideological functions of humanism in a number of political strategies. At first this critique led to what Liotard rightly called a degree of “relaxation.” Nowadays, however, at the beginning of the 21st century, this stage is over, and the neo-liberal interpretation of the end of great narratives, in which exchange (more usually known these days as the global free market) becomes the supreme principle, is itself shown to be a great hegemonistic narrative subject to critique. It is now evident that politics that render us sensitive to and tolerant of differences are conceived in a post-hegemonistic culture in which a democracy of differences is at work.
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The break-up of the former Yugoslavia could be read through the political use of symbols. In the former Yugoslavia, Communist symbols drew their inspiration from the images of war. The nationalist symbols used in the destruction of the Communist order were also fed by war fantasies. This raises a very topical question: how is it that the symbol of a powerful and rigid totalitarian body created a new sense of society and the future. It is my intention in this essay to deal with the symbolic representation of the body during the organized ritual excavation of the pits that formed the mass graves of Serb victims killed during World War II. What particularly interests me is how these rituals were used, following the experience of Communism and “brotherhood and unity,” to legitimize a certain war propaganda in which the national collective coalesced through an eruption of violence.
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Today religion is a dominant topic not only in discussion held by religious communities, theologians, and philosophers, but also by scholars and politicians of all sorts, be they believers or atheists. We are now witnessing a peculiar rebirth of religion and desecularisation of politics. At the same time, it is evident that the crisis which has affected the European Christianity is much more than a crisis of the Church. According to catholic theologian Johann Baptist Metz, it is a crisis of faith in the God and Jesus Christ.
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A critical re-examination and escape from the hypnotic persistence of political and national narcissism. Here in an Obsolescent Land it is the ever-present limits of the intellect, of the true, within the context and outlook of the experience, actions and sensitivity of Ivo Komšić. The work was composed at a time of horror, of Nazi/context. It bears witness in distinctive manner by simply citing facts, which belong to the language of shame and pain in which people disagree. It is a way of dispelling the spectre of Nazism, of silencing the cries of hatred, of ideology, and of affirming the communicative process of the transitional intellect beyond the fatality of Cain’s city, built as it is on carnage. This is what Ivo Komšić achieves in his literary thought; he manages to give unambiguous expression to the destructive power of conquest and genocide, to the mystery of love and creation, wherein lies only the depths of “human suffering” that belongs, sad to say, to all of time. Modern man is finding a way of breaking away from the frenetic quest for identity, of stripping identity – principally, national identity, which is multidimensional (language, religion, history, values and morality) – of its self-deception, of the danger that gets to us under the aegis of fear and helplessness. Key words: limits of the intellect, language of shame, transitional intellect, frenetic quest for identity, language, religion, history, citing facts
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In 1957. French semiologist Roland Barthes published Mythologies, a collection of essays taken (mostly) from articles in Combat examining the tendency of contemporary social value systems to create modern myths. Although Barthes’ work is considered to be a key antecedent of cultural studies, in my paper I try not only to give a short overview of Barthes’ Mythologies, but to reconsider it as a first attempt to form a political semiology.
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If it remains true that the enemy is not one, and if the two enemies are still enemies of humankind, the solution (to the problems, presumably, of humankind) places them in a different hierarchy of responsibility, marking them with a different label of urgency. The tyrant, at any rate, is the worst enemy because he undermines order in a way that remains independent of the pirate. Moreover, the latter may even hold the key to a future order. If it is possible to consider the lines of forces linking the pirate to the partisan (and to the terrorist), it should become obvious that the theory of two enemies serves, in Schmitt’s rendering, as a prolegomena to a theory of the partisan. This is an attempt to linger in the vicinity of this hypothesis.
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For Hannah Arendt, as for F. Rosenzweig and E. Levinas, the question of the limits and openness of the political is crucial. The fact is, though, that in H. Arendt’s view, “God’s metaphysical place remains vacant,” and the fact that the authority of traditions has been lost for ever, that our world is without protection, that secularization is irrevocable, all are equally important. One could thus phrase her question as follows: what about alterity, which prevents the political from becoming self-centred, once it is no longer protected by the relationship with a higher reality? Can alterity be something apart in relation to that which is higher without descending into the most banal pluralism?
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