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Vojna disciplina u pravnoj državi: Silent leges inter arma?

Author(s): Živorad Rašević / Language(s): Serbian

In this article, the legal framework for the disciplinary repression within the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina is subjected to criticism, using dogmatic, historical, sociological, philosophical and comparative methods of the legal science. Doubts which concerns the legal nature of this institution, framing it within administrative, criminal and labor law, are resolved in the context of a professional military organization, in favour of the latest. Starting from the prevailing labour nature of military discipline, it was concluded that this framework does not provide minimum procedural guarantees under Articles 5, 6 and 13 of the (European) Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and detected the substantial and technical shortcomings that compromise the legal certainty. Suggested solutions to overcome the present situation, in terms of reform of the legal framework, comprise of legislation that would regulate this issue thoroughly, institutional guarantees of independence and impartiality of the Armed Force's Legal Service and establishment of the military justice core, in order to protect the human rights of members of the Armed Forces in a way that does not compromise military efficiency.

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Iz prakse Evropskog suda za ljudska prava o primeni Evropske konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda u vreme ekonomske krize

Author(s): Verica Jakovljević / Language(s): Serbian

ESLJP je dosledno smatrao da države uživaju veoma široko polje slobodne procene kada se radi o proceni i određivanju prioriteta u pogledu raspodele ograničenih državnih sredstava. S obzirom na to da donošenje zakona radi balansiranja državnih prihoda i rashoda po pravilu uključuje razmatranje političkih, ekonomskih i socijalnih pitanja, ESLJP je smatrao da su nacionalne vlasti u principu u boljem položaju nego međunarodni sud da izaberu najprikladnija sredstva za postizanje ovoga i poštovaće njihovu odluku, osim ako je ona očigledno bez razumnog osnova. Ipak, kako je dobro ustanovljen princip u sudskoj praksi ESLJP da nedostatak sredstava ne može da opravda nepoštovanje Konvencije, ESLJP je u svim slučajevima ocenjivao da li je mešanje javnih vlasti u prava iz člana 1 Protokola 1 bilo zakonito i da li je služilo legitimnom cilju u javnom interesu, kao i da li je bilo razumno proporcionalno cilju koji se želi postići. Ocena zavisi i od konkretnih okolnosti slučaja i lične situacije osobe, pa će tako potpuno lišenje prava koje rezultira gubitkom sredstava za izdržavanje u načelu predstavljati povredu prava na imovinu, dok nametanje razumnog i srazmernog smanjenja to ne bi bilo. ESLJP, s obzirom na svoju ograničenu ulogu kada se radi o zameni sopstvenom ocenom ocene domaćih sudova, u prikazanim predmetima nije video uverljive razloge za dovođenje u pitanje ocene domaćih sudova. Takođe, ukazivao je da moguće postojanje alternativnih solucija za rešavanje ekonomske krize samo po sebi ne čini osporene mere neopravdanim. Pod uslovom da vlasti ostanu u okviru njihovog polja slobodne procene, nije na ESLJP da odluči da li su osporene mere predstavljale najbolje rešenje za bavljenje problemom ili da li je vlasti trebalo da ostvaruju svoje diskreciono pravo na drugi način.

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LIST OF ISSUES BY THE EUROPEAN ROMA RIGHTS CENTRE AND ROSA PARKS FOUNDATION, CONCERNING HUNGARY (For Consideration by the Committee on the Rights of the Child at the pre-sessional Working Group of the 80th session 4 June 2018 - 8 June 2018)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The European Roma Rights Centre (hereinafter also referred to as the “ERRC”) and the Rosa Parks Foundation (hereinafter referred to as the RPF)2 hereby submit this list of issues concerning Hungary to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (hereinafter also referred to as “Committee”) for the consideration of the Committee on the pre-session of the Working Group prior to reporting. The submission focuses on the situation of Romani children in Hungary, in particular on their overrepresentation in state care, segregation in education, and their vulnerability to trafficking.

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PARALLEL REPORT BY THE EUROPEAN ROMA RIGHTS CENTRE CONCERNING THE CZECH REPUBLIC (For Consideration by the Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women at the 63th session 23 February 2016)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The European Roma Rights Centre (ERRC) submits this parallel report to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) commenting on the Combined Fourth and Fifth Periodic Report of the Czech Republic, submitted under Article 18 of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (Convention). The present shadow report describes the current situation regarding one of the most serious human rights abuses of women – the practice of coercive sterilisation among Romani women – and the legal, policy and other obstacles in reaching an effective remedy for the victims. The submission focuses only on violations directly related to the practice of coercive sterilisation engaging the following articles of the Convention: Articles 5 (stereotyping and prejudice), 10 (equal access to education), 12 (equal access to health care services) and 16 (freedom from discrimination in all matters relating to marriage and family relations) of the Convention. This report aims to provide an update on the situation since 2010 when CEDAW last reviewed the Czech Republic.2 It includes an update on the legislative changes, compensation mechanism proposals, updates on court cases, comments on the information provided by the Czech government and recommendations for government action.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №30: Zatvori u Srbiji 2010 - Praćenje reforme zatvorskog sistema

Author(s): Marija Jelić,Gordana Lukić-Samardžija,Ljiljana Palibrk,Ivan Kuzminović / Language(s): Serbian

Unapređivanje krivičnopravnog sistema, kao preduslov za izgradnju boljeg i bezbednijeg društva, jedan je od najvažnijih aspekata reforme pravosuđa koja se u Srbiji sprovodi poslednjih godina. Osim nesumnjivog značaja za zajednicu, posmatran u kontekstu ljudske bezbednosti ovaj segment reforme dodatno dobija na važnosti, jer je neminovno vezan za globalne procese i međunarodni pravni poredak. U isto vreme, i postupanje sa prestupnicima i zatvorenicima koji se nalaze na izdržavanju kazne, podleže brojnim zakonima i pravilima, konvencijama i drugim dokumentima koji se baziraju, kako na specifi čnoj unutrašnjoj i međunarodnoj legislativi, tako i na konceptu ljudskih prava. Imajući to u vidu, Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava je već 2002. godine počeo sa monitoringom zatvora u Srbiji, najpre kroz jednogodišnji projekat kojim je obuhvaćeno 13 zatvora, a potom kroz trogodišnji (2003-2006) regionalni projekat „Prevencija torture-podrška rehabilitaciji žrtava torture“, tokom koga je vršen kontinuirani monitoring svih zatvora u zemlji.

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The EU’s Approach to the Development of Mass Media in Central Asia

Author(s): Gulnura Toralieva / Language(s): English

In spite of positive developments in terms of human rights, the rule of law and democratisation in Central Asia following the adoption of the European Union (EU) Strategy in June 2007, the state of the mass media continues to deteriorate in all five countries in the region. The dialogue on human rights initiated by the EU mostly focuses on the reform of the judicial and correctional systems, as well as on the rights of disenfranchised segments of the population, all of which is unarguably crucial for further democratisation in Central Asian states. However, restrictions on freedom of speech through the moral, physical and economic coercion of journalists, and the inexorably shrinking circle of independent media, have so far failed to attract the attention of the EU.

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The EU-Central Asia Human Rights Dialogues: Making a Difference?

Author(s): Vera Axyonova / Language(s): English

Structured human rights dialogues (HRDs) were introduced as part of the broader EU democratisation policy towards Central Asian states after the adoption of the ‘EU and Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership’ in June 2007. The dialogues are conducted on a bilateral basis with each of the five Central Asian republics. As with the human rights dialogues established by the EU with a number of other countries, the HRDs with the Central Asian states are designed to ‘discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights, inter alia in multilateral arena such as the United Nations and the OSCE’ as well as to ‘raise the concerns felt by the EU on human rights in the countries concerned, gather information and launch initiatives to improve the relevant human rights situation.’

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EU Human Rights and Democratisation Assistance to Central Asia: In Need of Further Reform

Author(s): Vera Axyonova / Language(s): English

One of the declared priorities of the European Union (EU) in Central Asia is the strengthening of good governance, rule of law, human rights and democratisation. Given the EU’s limited financial resources and leverage in the region, and the unfavourable domestic conditions for democratisation, one can hardly expect European efforts to result in a significant liberalisation of Central Asian political regimes. Yet, EU assistance to local civil society can enhance social participation, which provides a foundation for a bottom-up democratisation process. In these terms, the EU thematic programmes – the Non-State Actors and Local Authorities in Development (NSA/LA), and the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) – primarily operating in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are of particular relevance. Uzbekistan continues to benefit from the Institution Building and Partnership Programme (IBPP); a funding mechanism that is no longer active in other countries. However, Turkmenistan is practically excluded from all these initiatives.

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EU-US Cooperation in Central Asia: Parallel Lines Meet in Infinity?

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Marlène Laruelle / Language(s): English

The European Union (EU) and the United States (U.S.) have many shared interests in Central Asia, but follow different approaches. The main points of convergence are the pursuit of human rights standards, democratic development, stability and security, and the broader economic and social development of the Central Asian states. Naturally, there are also divergences, springing above all from the U.S.’s and the EU’s differing geopolitical positioning throughout the world. While the U.S. focuses largely on hard security, the EU mostly seeks to promote its security objectives through longer-term development approaches. Furthermore, each has its own trade interests in the region, although these do not seem to conflict at large.

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The Launch of EU Central Asia Monitoring

Author(s): Neil Melvin,Nargis Kassenova / Language(s): English

Following the launch of the EU Strategy for Central Asia in 2007, relations with the countries of the region have at last been acknowledged as a priority for Brussels and an integral part of the Union’s eastern policies. Its adoption has been seen as the ‘final piece’ in the jigsaw of EU policies toward the former states of the Soviet Union: the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Black Sea Synergy, the Baku Initiative, the Eastern Partnership (currently under development) and now the Strategy for Central Asia. Together, this complex of policy initiatives marks a strong commitment to strengthening the role of the EU in Eurasia at a time of growing political and economic uncertainty and when the importance of the countries of the region is increasing, both for energy and security reasons.

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Rule of Law support for Central Asia

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Tika Tsertsvadze,Mikko Puumalainen,Jörg Pudelka,Xavier Barré,Steve Swerdlow / Language(s): English

Every leader, whether authoritarian or democratic, would agree that the rule of law is needed in managing a state. They might disagree, however, on the precise meaning and purpose of ‘rule of law’. In developed democracies, the basis of the state is Montesquieu’s separation of the executive, legislative and judicial powers. Judicial independence is even seen as the most important asset for ensuring the wellbeing of the state and its people. Nonetheless, checks and balances also exist, in which the three powers interact and carry out oversight of the others. Where judicial power or rule of law is not sufficiently independent from the executive or the legislature and cannot exercise oversight over executive power, the rule of law becomes the law of the ruler. This is the underlying problem affecting the judicial sector in Central Asia, where courts and judges often serve at the pleasure of the powers that be rather than as an independent force acting for the state and its people.

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New EU Strategy for Central Asia: First reactions

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Fabienne Bossuyt,Nargis Kassenova,Marlène Laruelle,Tika Tsertsvadze / Language(s): English

I always have a ‘to-do list’ at work. And, alike most people, before I complete one task, I already have a few others to add. So in order to prioritise, my list is actually three lists: one with bullet points with what needs to be done this week (make phone calls, answer emails); one with those items that have a deadline down the road (project report, call for proposals); and a sort of wish-list with those things I would like to do when and if time allows (develop a new idea). The new EU strategy for Central Asia, adopted by the EU Council on 17 June, reads a bit like this. It includes things that the EU will do (‘the EU will strengthen cooperation on vocational education and training’); things to continue to address over the coming years (‘the EU will continue to promote respect for human rights’); and matters to devote attention to in due course (‘the EU will aim to encourage more sustainable and inclusive growth models in the region’). In sum, rather than a strategy, it is an approach or more simply, a ‘to-do list’.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 67, god. IV, Beograd, utorak, 24. mart 2009.

Author(s): Milica Jovanović,Nemanja Mitrović,Boško Tomašević,Predrag Lucić,Branko Đukić,Krisztina Rácz / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Milica Jovanović: Društvo na kraju vaseljene; antiCEMENT, Nemanja Mitrović: Kako ukloniti kognitivni blok; ŠTRAFTA, Kristina Rac: Jezička prava manjina u Vojvodini, Boško Tomašević: Proglas; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Predrag Lucić: Kad su cfetale tikfe; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, SELIĆ, Momčilo; BLOK BR. V, Branko Đukić: Ne cvikaj generacijo

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Investitor non grata

Author(s): Mario Reljanović / Language(s): Serbian

Gotovo da ne postoji duži period otkako je kompanija „Jura“ došla u Srbiju, a da nije završila na naslovnim stranama zbog nekog kršenja zakona. Navodnog kršenja zakona, naravno, budući da je država bez greške propustila da makar jednom sankcioniše varvarsko ponašanje južnokorejskih „investitora“ prema srpskim radnicima. Tako nikada nismo dobili potvrdu da je bilo pelena (odnosno u blažoj i realnijoj varijanti ove priče, sankcionisanja zbog vršenja male nužde u toku rada), diskriminacije, zlostavljanja na radu, kršenja niza odredbi o rasporedu radnog vremena.

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Kukavičlukom na koronu

Author(s): Rastislav Dinić / Language(s): Serbian

Na pitanje da li će se uvesti obavezna vakcinacija za radnike u zdravstvu, premijerka je, sa sebi svojstvenom nezainteresovanošću za istinu, odgovorila da bi to „eventualno odvelo Srbiju na Evropski sud za ljudska prava u Strazburu“. „Onda imate sindikate, ljudskopravaše i 300 čuda koji dolaze sa tim“, dodala je premijerka, kao obrazloženje zašto Srbija ipak neće uvesti obaveznu vakcinaciju zdravstvenih radnika. Prevedimo ovo na svima razumljiv srpskohrvatski – sud u Strazburu, „sinidikati“ i „ljudskopravaši“ su krivi što vlast u Srbiji neće da uradi ono što je sada već svima jasno da mora da uradi i što su mnoge evropske zemlje već uradile (i nisu se našle pred sudom u Strazburu).

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Koliko košta mentalno zdravlje u Srbiji?

Author(s): Aurelija Đan / Language(s): Serbian

Dok smo čekali još jedan vikend zabrane kretanja, na prvoj sednici Parlamenta od početka krize premijerka Brnabić je istakla da je ponosna na to kako se Srbija bori sa pandemijom, objasnila dokle smo stigli i kako se spremamo na sve što nas čeka. Posebno je citirala predsednika naglasivši da „smo u Srbiji zaustavili život da bi život mogao da pobedi“. Kako je rekla, cilj zaustavljanja pandemije će uskoro biti postignut. Da cilj ne bira sredstvo očigledno je kroz uvođenje najstrožih mera u vidu potpune zabrane kretanja za građane starije od 65 godina, dok je ostalima uskraćeno pravo na slobodu kretanja vikendima, kao i radnim danima uveče. Političari i stručnjaci naglašavaju da su restriktivne mere neophodne, da je Kina na taj način suzbila pandemiju i da je to najefikasniji način borbe protiv Covida 19. Međutim, Kina ne prednjači samo u efikasnosti suzbijanja pandemije, nego i po broju anksioznih i depresivnih ljudi kao posledice prisilnog zatvaranja.

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Dozvola za ubistvo

Author(s): Ivan Sekulović / Language(s): Serbian

Javnost je u šoku zbog situacije u Gerontološkom centru Niš, u kojem je do sada od posledica oboljenja COVID-19 preminulo 37 korisnika od ukupno 286. Reklo bi se da ni Vučiću situacija na jugu zemlje ne da mira, jer je pre neki dan izjavio da je imao „užasnu noć“. Kada bi iskreno patio, ovaj samozvani gospodar života i smrti u Srbiji ne bi istom prilikom minimizovao tragediju, ocenivši kako je korona „možda“ ušla u dva do tri objekta. Čekajte, predsedniče, zar vi zaista niste obavešteni o tome da su, mesec i po dana nakon vašeg prvog obraćanja „dragim penzionerima i roditeljima“, najugroženiji penzioneri i roditelji smešteni u domove za starije?

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Vanredna glupost za vanredno stanje

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Kao što je uvedena bez ijednog dobrog razloga, mera zabrane kretanja sada se na idiotski način ublažava sve dok ne bude ukinuta. Ako možda i nismo bili apsolutno sigurni da ta mera nema nikakvog smisla, način na koji se ona ublažava to sada do kraja potvrđuje. Pomeriti početak zabrane kretanja sa 17.00 na 18.00 i to nazvati postepenim ukidanjem zabrane, šamarčina je zdravom razumu i zdravoj pameti. Šta je to bilo tako strašno, da nas je zabrana od 17.00 od toga štitila? I šta se to u pretnji promenilo, da je sada u redu da zabrana počne u 18.00? Od kada su zabrane uvedene, nijednom niko nije izašao i objasnio kako mera sa ograničenim trajanjem od 17.00 – ili 18.00, svejedno – do 05.00 sledećeg dana štiti od zaraze sa punim radnim vremenom 24/7.

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Teror u ulici Tomaša Ježa

Author(s): Ljubodrag Stojadinović / Language(s): Serbian

Nikakva kontrola gole i glupe sile ovde više ne postoji. Ona je sama sebi dovoljna kao pokazivanje moći pred onima koji su je dopustili i nad nemoćnim građanima. Usred smo razumevanja filozofije policijskog časa, koja i nije tako prostačka kako bi se moglo rasuđivati na osnovu pameti iz koje je nastala. Taj čas je proizveden kao ideja o mučenju.

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Pravosuđe u doba korone

Author(s): . Miscellaneous / Language(s): Serbian

Na skupu „Pravosuđe u doba pandemije virusa COVID-19“ održanog 25.9.2020. u organizaciji Društva sudija Srbije između ostalih su govorili Dragana Boljević i Gordana Vidojković iz Društva sudija, Lidija Komlen Nikolić iz Udruženja tužilaca, Radovan Lazić iz Državnog veća tužilaca, Sudija Apelacionog suda Omer Hadžiomerović i Vida Petrović Škero iz Centra za pravosudna istraživanja…

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