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Na poslednjim stranicama knjige Izvori totalitarizma, Hana Arent sumira svoju užasnu priču o erupciji totalitarizma u dvadesetom veku. Ona izjavljuje: Sasvim je u skladu sa čitavom našom filozofskom tradicijom to što ne možemo da pojmimo »radikalno zlo«; ovo važi i za hrišćansku teologiju, koja je čak i đavolu dala nebesko poreklo, i za Kanta, jedinog filozofa koji je, skovavši izraz »radikalno zlo«, morao makar da pretpostavi njegovo postojanje, mada ga je odmah racionalizovao u predstavi o »izopačenoj zloj volji«, koja bi se dala objasniti razumljivim motivima. Tako mi, dakle, nemamo nikakvu potporu kada pokušavamo da razumemo fenomen koji nas suočava sa nadmoćnom stvarnošću i koji ruši sva nama poznata merila. Samo se jedna stvar čini jasnom: možemo reći da se radikalno zlo pojavilo zajedno sa sistemom u kom su svi ljudi postali podjednako suvišni. Manipulatori ovog sistema veruju u sopstvenu suvišnost koliko i u suvišnost svih drugih, a totalitarni dželati su tim opasniji što ne haju za to da li su i sami živi ili mrtvi, da li su ikada živeli ili možda nikada nisu ni rođeni. Fabrike leševa i pećine zaborava opasne su zato što se danas, sa sve većom prenaseljenošću i sa sve većim brojem beskućnika, mase ljudi stalno smatraju suvišnima, bar sa strogo utilitarnog stanovišta. Političke, društvene i ekonomske tendencije širom sveta su u dosluhu sa totalitarnim institucijama koje služe tome da ljude učine suvišnima.
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Hana Arent se ponekad smatra važnim izvorom ili nadahnućem savremene komunitarne političke misli. U tom shvatanju postoji izvesna mera istine, ali misliti o njenoj političkoj teoriji kao izrazito komunitarnoj više je nego pogrešno. Jer, ono što karakteriše komunitarizam kao filosofsko osporavanje liberalizma jeste njegovo naglašavanje toga kako se sopstvo konstituiše kroz kolektivni ili grupni identitet, kao i argument da nedovoljna pažnja prema snazi zajedničkih identiteta obeležava središnji nedostatak liberalno-individualističkih koncepcija političke zajednice.
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Čini se da je karika koja nedostaje, a koja povezuje mladalačke tekstove Hane Arent sa njenim kasnijim, slavnim delima o totalitarizmu, upravo shvatanje ljudskog života kao političkog delovanja koja se otkriva u jeziku neke pripovesti ∞une histoire≤ (story i history). Pre nego što pročitamo njene zrele tekstove, potrebno je, dakle, da se pozabavimo onim što nam izgleda kao apologija pripovedanja kod Hane Arent, a što dijagonalno preseca čitavo njeno istraživanje.
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This paper deals with Derrida’s introduction of Levinas’s concept of trace into the thinking of différance. Since his earliest reading of that concept – in Violence and Metaphysics – was highly negative and exclusive, there obviously happened some change of perspective. In order to explain it, the author reached for Derrida’s idea of writing as grafting, considering his earlier refusal of Levinas as the “silent” entry of graft “Levinas” in his writing.
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This article focuses on an analysis and evaluation of the importance of Marx’s theory may have for Derrida. First, it is argued that the deconstructive reading of Marx’s texts is to be seen as the way toward the articulation of the politics and ethics in Derrida’s work. Second, the article maintains that the interpretation of Marx’s critical theory depends on the Derrida’s dealings with Levinas. I emphasize especially the significance of the phenomenology in this context, in fact, the importance of the Derrida’s dealing with the phenomenology of otherness. Third, I critically analyse in particular the concepts of absolute hospitality and messianistic coming. The conclusion is the next: Marx is, nolens volens, treated in Derrida in the light of the contradiction between ethics and politics.
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This text is a part of a broader examination that considers Derrida’s relation to Levinas in his early works. It is particulary focused on “Violence and Metaphysics- an essay on the thought of Emmanuel Levinas”. In the text that I present here I investigate the so-called ontological violence. The main point I claim is that Derrida’s argumentation against Levinas, in spite of its deconstructive\destructive effects, still remains in the manner which was described by Levinas as an empirial nature of western thought. Besides that, I amshowing some indications for posing that there is functional paralelism between Levinas’ doublet face\Other and Derrida’s being\differance. Furthermore, I believe that if we consider all three kinds of violence and other Derrida’s texts, which were written those years, it might be shown that the theory of the Other was used as the transforming model toward the theory of differance. The pattern for this can be seen in Derrida’s degradation of meaning of “face” related to the rank which that concept has for Levinas. So, all this testifies about mutual positive influence, maybe for both of them, at least Levinas remains as his fourth inspiration after 3H (Hegel, Husserl, and Heidegger).
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The author re-examines so-called “normativity problem” in the light of some Derrida’s provisional definitions of the concept of deconstruction. Alleged unbreakable connection between the elementary Derridian conception and the concept of normativity here is criticized with help of “open question argument”.
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Da li bi čovek koji stremi moralnom savršenstvu mogao da se zlu suprotstavi silom i mačem? Da li bi čovek, koji je religiozan i koji prihvata Boga, njegovo svetostvaranje i njegovo mesto u svetu, mogao da se zlu ne suprotstavi mačem i silom? Ovakvo dvojedinito pitanje, podstaklo je sva naša istraživanja. Šta može i šta treba da odgovori na ovo pitanje, ona moralno-blagorodna duša, koja se u svojoj ljubavi kreće ka Bogu i Božjem delovanju na zemlji - da odgovori religiozno ispravno, da odgovori puninom volje na navalu zla koja pridolazi izvana?
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Možda ću, u okviru ovog pokušaja sveobuhvatne interpretacije, moći da odgovorim na toliko puta ponavljano pitanje o Klauzevicevom metodu i njegovom poreklu i srodnosti sa Kantovim i Hegelovim metodom. Prethodnom odeljku prvog toma svoje knjige dao sam naziv »dijalektika«. Dakle, ne dovodim u pitanje tvrdnju da su Klauzevicevo mišljenje i metod u izvesnoj meri dijalektički. Ostaje nam samo da saznamo - u kojem smislu.
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Postoji široko prihvaćeno mišljenje da su kontrola i uzdržavanje strani samoj prirodi rata. O tome govori Klauzevic u uvodnom delu studije O ratu - »Rat je«, piše on, »čin sile kojim primoravamo neprijatelja da prihvati našu volju… Silu prate i neka samonametnuta, jedva primetna ograničenja, poznata kao međunarodno pravo i običaji, ali njima je sila tek neznatno oslabljena... Uvođenje načela umerenosti u teoriju rata nužno vodi u logički apsurd«.
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This preliminary study might be classified as an academic inquiry from the perspective of genre archaeology. In this inquiry, the author attempts to search for the genre roots of debate as a form which shaped the public discourse of that time. To this end, the author presents various practices of debate in Athens at the times of Pericles and Aristotle. Further, she presents Aristotle’s opinion regarding the usefulness of rhetoric and debate for dispute resolution in a democracy as well as his genre division of the forms of public speaking. Lastly, the author discusses several educational practices thanks to which those genre models could have been solidified and passed on to the next generations.
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The article analyses the main theoretical models of social justice in contemporary society. The aim of the research is to reach conclusions on the conceptual and functional relationship between the modern concept of the rule of law and social justice.
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The issue of organ donation and transplantation is, in the first place, an issue of medical excellence of transplantation teams, but also a controversial issue with doubtful bioethical, legal, cultural, religious, and other questions. Since medical research are improving constantly, research in the field of organ transplantation is setting new interesting (bio) ethical and legal questions. According to the last population census, there are approximately one million inhabitants in the Republic of Croatia who are older than 60 years and who are also more likely to be on the organ transplantation candidate’s list than the younger inhabitants, because of the various health problems of the aging process. Also, according to research, the median age of 150 patients on chronic dialysis at the Clinical Hospital Centre Osijek is 65.5 years. Since bioethics is a scientific discipline that studies all issues related to life itself, organ transplantation and aging are some of the crucial fields of the human aspect of bioethics. By connecting these two issues, this chapter aims to expound the main (bio)ethical and legal problems of organ donation and transplantation and put them into the context of the issue of aging in the Republic of Croatia. The main questions that may arise are what the main problems of older people are when it comes to organ donation and transplantation, whether they are aware of them and if there is any kind of age discrimination in the process of organ allocation. The author will try to point out these and other bioethical questions when it comes to aging and organ donation and transplantation, and also set a new scheme of awareness in relation to this issue.
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Thanks to the feminist movement, women’s civic activism within the environmental movement, and the development of the theoretical discourse of feminism, polyphony developed in relation to contemporary environmental problems, known as ecofeminism or environmental feminism. The ecofeminist ethics is promoted here, based on partnership in its nature, liberated from the dualism of Western intellectual thought and gender bias on woman and nature. The social ecofeminism puts the thesis on the connection between woman and nature in the context of socially constructed patriarchal society, oppression and domination over woman, reinforcing the feminist critique of the patriarchal society, social dominations and hierarchies. It also accepts the basic principle of social ecology according to which domination naturally comes out of man’s domination over man, thus being the primary goal in society. Social ecofeminism connects the domination of woman and nature with race and class domination, and supports a radical opposition to the existing social institutions founded in this domination system. The problem of human inequality and affirmation of social justice is now being regenerated through social drifts of ecofeminism that connects the vision of gender, class, race and liberation of all those who do not fit the common social normality norms with affirmation of degraded and inferior space of in human nature.
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Our war and post-war experience has been marked with terrible and widespread sufferings of civilians. As one of the central questions in dealing with the past and peace-building processes in the Croatian society, we ask ourselves how we can offer adequate support and contribute to providing justice and reparations to civilian victims of war. In doing this, we create and support research, analytical, educational and public political activities, but also methods of direct support to civilian victims of war. Compensations and reparations to victims are one of the key elements of transitional justice. They enable victims to receive public recognition of their suffering and compensation for the endured pain, humiliation and losses. By setting up reparations programs, the state implements a system of respecting human rights and answers the needs of victims as one of the most endangered social groups, groups in constant risk of social exclusion and bad socio-economic situation. The state is obliged to deliver justice and ensure their citizens full respect of human rights, and victims have the right to protection and safety. Reparations come in many forms, from legal mechanisms through symbolic and material reparations to group or individual reparations programs. According to the resolution Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, civilian victims of war have the right to adequate, efficient and timely reparation.
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Genocid se definira kao zločin par excellence, najgore što čovjek može uraditi drugom čovjeku u smislu prava i morala. I opet, od Aušvica do Kambodže i od Ruande do Srebrenice, od jedne epohe i kulture do druge, počinilac genocida insistira da je njegov cilj pobjeda dobrog nad zlim te da je stoga moral na njegovoj strani. Ono što vanjski svijet može osuditi kao pogrešno i zlo oslikano je kao suprotno, jer radnje koje se moraju poduzeti da bi se osiguralo ono što je istinski vrijedno nadjačat će sve ono što mu prijeti. Ubijanje je predstavljeno kao legitimna samoodbrana, te želja da se u tome ne učestvuje kao moralni pad, izdaja grupe kojoj pripada i čija je budućnost u pitanju. [...]
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