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Research of the influence of operational activity of European Common Security and Defence Policy Missions, namely EUBAM and EUAM on the strategic security and legal domains of Moldova and Ukraine especially taking into account the progress of the processes of Europeanization, transformation of identical parameters and socialization of this states is extremely relevant сonsidering the current geopolitical situation in the region, the emergence of new and exacerbated of the old security threats. Approximation of the rules of functioning of the legal and security systems of Moldova and Ukraine according to European Union standards can fundamentally change the principles of the construction and development of these states and geopolitical configuration in the region on the eastern border of the European Union.In the process of conducting research, it was used the foundations of moderate (thin) version of social constructivism as a theoretical and methodological basis. It is revealed in the article that EUBAM is an effective mechanism of reformation and modernization of Moldovan and Ukrainian border-management and strongly influences cross-border security. But the study did not detect a considerable and direct effect of EUBAM on the transformation of the parameters of the identities of Moldova and Ukraine. EUAM at the present moment is not so effective due to existing internal and external obstacles but in the long-term perspective, operational activity of EUAM has more potential and can bring more profound changes on the process of Europeanization, socialization and the transformation of the parameters of Ukraine's national identity through reformation of its legal sphere.
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The article contains a comprehensive description of the frozen conflicts in the region of the Post-Soviet countries, those which also belong to the Eastern Partnership region. The Russian pressure defines the development of these countries and it affects their international relationship with the European Union and NATO. The low security level in Ukraine forms the latest and still permanent conflictual situation which results the country’s territorial disputes in the international level. The five problematic regions are Crimean Peninsula and Eastern Ukraine (Donetsk and Lugansk regions), Transdniester in Republic of Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, Nagorno Karabakh in Armenia and Azerbaijan. NATO intended to exclude Russia from the main world leader countries’ range so the EU’s, and in the same time the NATO’s, intention to get closer to Ukraine, and to the former Soviet countries, seemed a threat for the Russian Federation. The Russian Federation, in order to obtain their position between the major world leader counties, still exercises pressure on the Black Sea area, which activities constitute the abuse of energy and military power as well as the support of the Post-Soviet, Black-Sea region countries separatists. In conclusion the NATO as well as the Russian Federation needs to make steps towards each other, because it is true that Russia can exercise a leader role in the Black Sea region which affects the whole world’s market economy and also the EU.
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In 2018, at the Printing House Tritonic, Bucharest, with the ISBN 978-606-749-340-5, has been appeared the collective volume EUROPA SOCIALĂ ÎN 100 DE TERMENI. Incursiune în cultura socială şi instituţională a spaţiului european [Social Europe in 100 Notions. An Incursion in the Social and Institutional Culture of the European Space], 2018, under the coordination of Gabriela Goudenhooft, Alina-Carmen Brihan, and Ioan Horga. The scientific referees are the distinguish Professors Adrian Netedu (Iaşi) and Ludmila Rusnac (Chişinău). The book is printed in the Romanian language. It appeared with the financial support of the European Commission: Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA).The volume valorizes the scholars' activities done mainly in the Faculty of History, International Relations, Political Sciences and Communications of Oradea University in the framework of the Jean Monnet Module “A Social Europe for Youth. Education and Employment.”
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Although there are numerous scientific writings on security and borders, up to the present, this work addresses the two subjects from a perspective of duality, causality, with the purpose of showing the direction towards which the EU is heading, what gives the work novelty and a unique character.The book is, as the author confesses, the revised form of her PhD thesis, held in January 2015, and follows a structure made of the Introduction, five chapters and Conclusions and recommendations. Each chapter is extensively presented along several subchapters.
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The volume wrote by Professor Andrei Marga from Babeş-Bolyai University, entitled Identitate naţională şi modernitate [National Identity and modernity] has four divisions: 1. The conception of national identity, 2. The national identity today, 3. The national reconciliation and 4. The European identity.
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Sixty years ago the union that was creating in Europe was one of the most desirable and waited place to be for a country. It suffered a lot of changes and modification during the time and nowadays, the actual European Union, seems to be blocked and maybe in a sort of crisis. The national feeling has emerged stronger than ever in some countries and this fact (and maybe it’s not the only one) created some unbalances all over the continent. And now, maybe more than ever, it is very important to balance these instabilities in order to not arrive again at the point where everything started. In this context, the question “What is the Future of Europe today?” makes a perfect sense.
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The phenomenon of politics has a central place in social existence, verified through historical experience. Political science is involved in three ways: 1. The conditions of its taking shape are socially determined. 2. Its categories are directed towards political reality. 3. Its results influence social and political developments. The fundamental subject of political science is the people, which means that its function is to educate for democracy. The appropriateness of the categorical instruments of political systems and processes in contemporary socialism is a question apart.
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Over the past few decades the stale of the art in political science, after a relatively homogeneous historical development, has been characterized by the polarization and opposition of different theoretical trends, schools and sects. This polarization can he illustrated along two dimensions: the ideological and the methodological one. Along the ideological dimension the extremes are the left and the right, while along the methodological dimension the two poles are represented by the advocates of hard and soft methods. Nevertheless, the majority of political scientists take a central position between these extremes avoiding ideological bias and methodological exclusivity. It is just this central position that should exert a stronger influence on the atmosphere within, and the development of political science since the interpretations about the state of the art in this discipline provided by the extreme schools of thought have neither professional nor scientific legitimacy.
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There has been a traditional distinction between policy analysis as a knowledge about a political process (scientific goal) and a knowledge for a political process (applied political goal). This latter goal is realized through consulting activity of policy analysis whereby they provide analytical information intended for each phase of the policy cycle: problem definition and goal selection; presentation of the alternative methods for the realization of these goals; assessment of the prospects for the realization of the solutions suggested and checking the success of the programmes realized. Specific analytical methods and models are associated with each of these phases. Consultancy oriented policy analysis presupposes not only problem oriented knowledge of specific policies but also the fundamental knowledge of political science.
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In contrast to other countries the U.S.A. entered World War I without any territorial claims but with ambitious new ideas and a clear vision of a new world order which differed considerably from the plans of France, Great Britain, and Italy. The American peace program formulated in fourteen points was enthusiastically received by the allied countries. The »fourteen points« seemed to be an efficient formula during the war but did not prove to be an appropriate basis for a practical political agreement in peace time. President Wilson's »fourteen points« could namely be interpreted in different manners. There was thus serious danger that they might become a bone of contention instead of being an universal formula that would satisfy all interested parties. In the American peace program that which concerned Italian interests was formulated in a clear manner. Wilson contested the secret London treaty between Italy, France, and Great Britain, and he envisaged a future Italian frontier to be determined according to ethnic principles. These basic ideas were also upheld by »Inquiry«, a committee of scientists and experts on political and territorial questions, in its report to Wilson and the American delegates to the peace conference concerning the boundaries between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and Italy. The U. S. A. would become the first great power to recognize the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and would strive that Rijeka should not fall under Italy and that the rest of the frontier should satisfy ethnic principles.
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Policy analysis has evolved, within the political sciences, into an independent sub-discipline, with recognizable methodological and thematic characteristics. Its turbulent development over the last few’ years has led to various approaches and interpretations in term s of definition and methodology The author presents the major sources and influences on the development of policy analysis, elements shared by the approaches and definitions, with stress on its significance for political science us a discipline, and for political decision-making.
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It was after a prolonged and difficult struggle that after the armistice at the end of world war I the Yugoslavs achieved international recognition of their united new state — the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS). France and Great Britain were ready to recognize the Kingdom of SHS, but because of their commitments arising out of the London Treaty they were unable to proclaim this recognition separately. Namely, their ally, Italy, had considerable territorial pretences towards the Eastern Adriatic coast which had been part of Austria—Hungary. Yugoslavia expected the support of the United States of America which were not tied by an alliance with Italy. However, President Wilson procrastinated and delayed recognition of the new state because he did not approve of the conditions under which the unification of Serbia and Montenegro had taken place. As the new state was getting more consolidated, USA did finally recognize the Kingdom of SHS early in February 1919. This moved other countries to follow suit. By agreeing that the official name of this state should be put into the draft of the peace agreement with Germany, it was by implication that France and Great Britain recognized the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a new state. This was made easier by the fact that the Italian delegation was absent from the Peace Conference for a short while. By signing the Peace Treaty with Germany on July 28. 1919. the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes became an internationally recognized state, although Italy resisted this until November 13, 1920. Having signed the Rapallo treaty on that day Italy too recognized the statehood of its Eastern Adriatic neighbour.
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Power and interests are linked in a specific manner in federal systems. The history of federal systems bears evidence of association in order to assert certain interests and enhance the power of the members of the association. Federal systems are increasingly viewed today as forms of structural dispersion or decentralisation of authority and power. In either case, new interests arise, defined in territorial terms. The author concentrates on the type of territorial-political federal systems characterized by the dispersion of power and authority on the territorial principle. The problem of interest mediation and adjustment in such federal systems is illustrated by the example of Yugoslavia. In the author’s opinion, the main difficulties specific to contemporary Yugoslav federalism are: the lack of means and possibilities for the central state to implement the adopted decision«; the absence of institutional forms and channels for functional interest-based linkage; the dominance of politics over economics, which is one of the chief determinants shaping the character of the federal and political system.
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On the whole, new social movements could be generally classified as belonging to the trade union model of interest representation. There are three main features which are usually attributed to the new movements: (a) anti parliamentarian ism, (b) antilegalistic resort to unconventional behaviour and (c) belief in the transformation of the society by introducing a new, decentralized socialist system. The possibility to formulate a new consistent theory of interest mediation greatly depends on the prospects of the movement as a political force. There are various theoretical explanations for this, of which the author mentions four kinds: the conventional interpretation which classifies the new movement as one of the causes of the split within western societies; a three-stage evolutionism, which sees a new paradigm of postmaterialism and of the way of life in new social movements as a substitute for the preceding behaviour patterns; Inglehart’s theory of the silent revolution; the theory of generational cycles.
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This year has brought a lot of turmoil around the future of the European Union. The leaders of the Member States have managed to reach a historic compromise following the Rome anniversary meeting. From a critical perspective, the existing problems have not been resolved. As a result, joint efforts will need to focus on finding solutions to stop the relative stagnation of the European project. In addition, Romania will have to find the best way to reduce existing gaps, especially considering the fact that there is no national alternative to the European project.
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The prevailing constitutional system requires a thorough and critical analysis, all the more so as during its "rule" Yugoslav society has found itself in its greatest and most comprehensive crisis so far. Despite this, the dominant attitude in this country is that the Constitution must not be questioned. There are two main reasons for this oversensitivity with regard to "interfering with the system": institutionalisation and absolutisation of particular interests and the fear of change. They first swept across the republican and provincial forums, and then spread to all other social levels. The author does not believe that the current problems can be resolved by restoring sovereignty to the federal state. Instead, this can be achieved by reasserting the federal principle in the organisation and operation of our political community, a principle that has been substantially suspended — both through the system and in practice.
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The present paper tries to present the concept and intensity of the crisis underlying Mirić's analysis of the crisis of the political system and of self-management. The political system is, by definition, a complex whole, consisting of values, norms, the authorities and the conduct of the citizens and the working people. The split between values and norms, and between norms and conduct, the authorities and the citizens is leading the system into a conflict it cannot sustain. The intensity of the split or of the crisis may be called distributive or the zero sum game type. While in stagnation, the political system does not promote the production of values but distributes the existing ones. The political community and the community as the emotional-affective background of the political system is undergoing a crisis. The emotional pattern of the community is explained by: (1) the dependency type of the emotional group; (2) the fight-flight emotional pattern: and (3) the pairing emotional structure (W. Bion). Mirić’s analysis of the community belongs to the emotionality type of the dependency group. This type experiences certain difficulties, which are considered in the present article.
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The author focuses on a part of Mirić’s analysis which has been a frequent subject of discussion in Yugoslav social theory: the problem of national interests. The line of demarcation of interest-based differentiation, confrontation and conflict divides various classes and strata, not nations. In contemporary Yugoslav society, however, too much emphasis is placed on interest confrontation and conflict on a "national basis". Whence this tendency? A part of the answer to this lies, in the author’s opinion, in the split between normative and institutional postulates and the actual social relations. It Is the legitimacy of the bureaucratic rule of society that is in a crisis, the manner in which the ruling social position is derived from the normative-institutional system. Due to its class position of "intermediary", who actually no longer "mediates" but rules, bureaucracy strives to establish a broader, class-neutral identification, in order to conceal the narrowness of its class interests. In such a context, the invocation of the "national" proves to be most effective. Activities of this kind lead to the disintegration of both the community and the individual, while, at the same time, establishing false national integration. The author believes that, since 1968, "national interest" in Yugoslavia has functioned predominantly on this level. This poses the crucial question: to what extent is the working class really the hegemon in the articulation and realisation of national interests? In other words, to what extent is it the ruling class of the nations?
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Davor Rodin PRIJEĐENI PUTEVI Fakultet političkih znanosti
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