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Aim of this article is to analyze politician Bernie Sanders, who tried win nomination of theDemocratic Party to the White House. Sanders autoidentity is democratic socialist, he is admirer ofFranklin Delano Roosevelt presidency. This persona is strictly connected with an alter-globalistmovement, especially Occupy Wall Street. Sanders made great effort to promote in Americasocialdemocratic ideas.
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Immediately after the end of World War II, Western Allies organized refugee camps in their occupation zones in Austria, Italy and Germany which existed until early 1950s. Foreign citizens, such as forced laborers and prisoners of concentration camps, who had been found mostly in Germany and Austria after the collapse of the German Reich, were placed in those camps, as well as military and civilian post-hostilities refugees fleeing from the Red Army and partisan-communist forces from Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. A great number of persons were extradited to their countries of origin on charges of war crimes. Among them were many Croats, primarily members of the Croatian armed forces and the Ustasha movement. The remaining refugees are displaced around the world especially in countries of South and North America and in Australia.
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After the Kingdom of Yugoslavia's Sokol organisation was legally established in December 1929 and after the gymnastic organisations that refused to join the new Sokol organisation were abolished, a founding session followed, where the statute had to be confirmed and the Sokol organisation brought to life. In the following article we will analyse the formalisation of the new Sokol organisation in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
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In her paper, the author deals with the interethnic relations in Yugoslavia and the phenomenon of Yugoslav integralism in the 1950's. This decade saw the resurfacing of the national question, essential for the preservation of Yugoslavia, which had been underestimated and ignored by the communists for over a decade. This attitude was partly rooted in their conviction that the question bad been definitely resolved with the revolution and the formation of a federal slate, and partly in the fear that a reopening of I be national question might provoke internal conflicts and a disintegration of Yugoslavia. Infatuation with workers' internationalism also played its part. In order to smooth over the interethnic differences they recoursed to the magic formula of "brotherhood and unity" to which was added, in the mid 1950's, the promotion of "Yugoslavism" i.e. an attempt to fashion a (super)ethnic, Yugoslav conscience.
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After World War I the so-called "Sokoli" (Falcons) as a national defence and gymnastic movement with its idea and education clashed with the positions of the traditional tutor - the Roman Catholic Church - and was thus involved in the cultural struggle. The founder of the Sokoli idea and gymnastic activities was Miroslav Tyrš, a Czech who defined the basic guidelines and tasks of the Sokoli movement in his article Our Task, Direction and Goal, published in 1871. The author of the following contribution shall define the Sokoli education and idea on the basis of Tyrš's article. Within the Slovenian Sokoli movement, this idea was introduced by Viktor Murnik.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.
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In recent years, the trade policy of various countries has become an important topic, both for administration and business. The present paper aims at presenting the EU trade policy and some of its advantages and challenges.
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The article presents the results of an empirical study on the use of the term 'hybrid war' (and its analogs) in Bulgarian media. It is focused on the use of the concept in meanings and contexts different from those implied by the existing definitions. The study covers the first five months of 2019. The publications in Bulgarian online media are selected through the news aggregation and analysis system 'European Media Monitor' (EMM). The results show that, in certain cases, the concept is not only used with different meanings, but some derivative concepts are created by the media such as 'hybrid propaganda' or 'hybrid content'
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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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The text suggests an analysis of the “culture of protest“ within the time frame of the “protest year of 2013“ in the cultural and social context of Bulgaria. The basis of the study – inscription (“thick description“) and specification (“diagnosis“) in the sense of Clifford Geerz (1971) – is a “microscopic“ social fact, namely the book Smilov, Daniel and Lea Vaysova (eds.). #Theprotest: Analyses and Positions in the Bulgarian press, the Summer of 2013. Sofia, “Iztok-Zapad“, 2013 (Смилов, Даниел и Леа Вайсова (съст.). #Протестът: анализи и позиции в българската преса, лято 2013, София, „Изток-Запад“, 2013). The publication which collects and (re)frames selected media stream within particular period of time, i.e. the book as an abstract collection of words/images (text) existing in a material form, is here understood as a social fact in the sense of Emile Durkheim. The adoption of such approach allows the comment to acquire specific outlines – the study of this „text-as-a-book“ neither brings to the fore the abstract dimensions (the text) of the book, which is usually the field of the literary critique and the text hermeneutics, nor focalizes exclusively the material dimensions, which is reserved for the history of the book and the analytical bibliography. The aim here is to describe and understand society and the social by examining and tracing the connections which exert an influence and exist between the simultaneous engagement of the abstract and the material side of this book as a social fact, as well as the social activities within it.
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U svakom post-konfliktnom društvu koje nastaje i razvija se nakon traumatičnih događaja, kao što su ratovi i drugi oblici nasilja, postoje pokušaji da se potisne sjećanje na te događaje kako bi se ‘krenulo dalje’ i kako bi se ‘prošlost ostavila iza nas’. Sjećanje je, međutim, instinktivno i ne može se samo tako potisnuti te će se neizbježno, ipak, pojaviti, isplivati na površinu, u jednom ili drugom obliku. Zbog toga smo, u pokušaju savladavanja nasilne prošlosti, često suočeni s izazovom kako najbolje upotiijebiti/iskoristiti sjećanje s ciljem učenja na prošlim događajima kako se oni više ne bi ponovili.
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Post-Cold War expansion of liberal order rested on three legs: the implosion of major alternative ordering projects, the enjoyment by liberal democracies of a ‘‘patronage monopoly,’’ and the dominance of liberalizing transitional activist networks and movements. By 2019, all three of those legs have been turned upside down. China and Russia, among others, offer new ordering projects, countries enjoy ‘‘exit options’’ in the form of alternative patronage, and illiberal activist networks are in the ascendant. A closer look at the ‘‘why’’ and ‘‘how’’ makes clear that illiberal forces have appropriated and repurposed the toolkit used to expand liberal order, which suggests an apparent paradox. While some forms of liberal order—primarily on the political side—are in retreat, other forms of liberal order—especially in terms of institutional and multilateral arrangements—are being reinforced. We are, therefore, looking not at the end of liberal order, but at a third great transformation in it.
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In each post-conflict society which comes into existence and develops after traumatic events, such as wars and other forms of physical violence, there are attempts to suppress the memory of those events in order to “move on” and to “leave the past behind us”. However, memory is instinctive and cannot be suppressed just like that. It will, inevitably, occur, come to the surface in one form or another. For this reason, in an attempt to master the violent past, we are often faced with a challenge how to best use our memory with the aim of learning from past events so that they would never be repeated again.
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The article is based on a qualitative study of how Polishness is constructed in personal narratives about Karta Polaka (the Polish Card, Polish Charter). The interviews with possessors of the Polish Card, a document issued by the Polish state to the citizens of the former USSR identifying themselves as Poles, was conducted in 2015 in the city of Hrodna in western Belarus. The article uses the example of Karta Polaka to show how people who apply for the Polish Card perceive, negotiate, and reconstruct the idea of Polishness that this document implies. The author suggests that the demand for Karta Polaka among citizens of Belarus cannot be explained by ethnic opportunism entirely. Pragmatic and symbolic reasoning to apply for the document often overlap. Moreover, as the author argues, Karta Polaka evokes the process of negotiating ethnic belonging among participants of the study. The article departs from the theoretical standpoint that ethnic belonging is neither merely a matter of individual choice nor a passive absorption of ethnic discourses produced by states, laws, or ethnic entrepreneurs. Combining the premises of performative and dialogical approaches to identity construction, the author shows empirically which discourses influence people’s sense of ethnic belonging and how these discourses are negotiated in their personal stories.
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This intelligent product provides comparative and analytical elements for the adoption of superior techniques for evaluating decisions that involve significant costs for our society. At the same time, the intention of the authors of this study is to encourage critical reflection and the comparative approach to the elaboration of efficient and effective public policies, as well as to the qualitative increase of the level of public debates on these topics of interest. // The research team consisted of 3 experts and a coordinator. The study was coordinated by Igor Munteanu, and the research team consisted of Ghenadie Mocanu (political analyst), Veaceslav Ioniţă (economist), Inga Sinchevici (sociologist). // The authors of the study sincerely thank the Friedrich Ebert Foundation for the support provided in the elaboration of this research, but also for the encouragement it offered us during this complex study.
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The peculiarity of 2007 was the fact that it was the last year of the implementation of the EU Action Plan by the Republic of Moldova facing a severe drought. In 2006, the authorities of the Republic of Moldova had put forth the efforts to convince the European officials and the western partners of the possibilities of the country to implement the stipulations of the Action Plan RM-EU, the efforts have been materialized by the creating and sending reports regarding the implementation of the RM-EU AP. In 2007, the Moldovan authorities are facing the situation when they have to prove to the citizens and to themselves that the implementation of the Action Plan RM-EU did not represent just efforts but also clear results in bringing Moldova closer to EU. Or the implementation of this very document represented a capacity and availability test of the Republic of Moldova to approach the European Union. // This smart product offers comparative and analytical elements for the adoption of some superior techniques of evaluation of some decisions that involve important costs for our society. Meanwhile, the intention of the authors of this study is to encourage critical thinking and comparative approach regarding drafting of efficient and effective public policies as well as qualitative growth of the level of public debates on these issues of interest.
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Još uvek pamtim kako su se pre nešto manje od dve godine gotovo svi besno bacili na mene povodom mojih 15 pitanja ateistima i 15 pitanja pravoslavnima, objavljenih na ovom istom sajtu. Tada je čitava javnost bila uznemirena presudom članicama grupe Pussy Riot i meni se učinilo važno da svi mi, što preciznije odredimo o čemu mi to zapravo razgovoramo.
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The article presents the chronology of the events of 1968 in Poland and reviews their past and present interpretations. The perspective is that of a participant in the events and an engaged scholar. Eight versions of what happened are discussed, including those of conspiracy and provocation. The change in focus of the 1968 anniversary celebrations from exclusively Polish to predominantly Jewish is also analyzed.
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