Around the Bloc: Belarus Turns the Screws on Online Media
Journalists push back against proposed amendments that would complicate the work of online reporters and impose restrictions on social media users.
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Journalists push back against proposed amendments that would complicate the work of online reporters and impose restrictions on social media users.
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Non-governmental organizations as associations of conscious citizens and as civil society structures meant to solve specific problems of different target groupsaccumulate social resources and form the capacity to assist local government and local administration to solve problems of the local community. Civic structures stand closer to the social groups in local communities, they more aware of their real needs and can help to find a more adequate and acceptable solutions.
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The civil structures stand closer to the social groups in local communities, they are better aware of their real needs and can help to find a more adequate and acceptable solutions. They are able to define the problem (of the target group or community) and involve citizens in solving it. In civil society and its structures there isa resourcefor participation in the development and implementation of local policies and solving problems of the local community, but this resource is not completely and efficiently utilized.
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This article explores issues related to the minimum level of competencies required for sustainable participation of youth representatives in the development of public policies at local and national level. The main topics that are exposed in the article are: understanding of the young of the role of institutions in the provision of public policies, the trust that both sides share in the process, the engagement of young people in youth organizations or youth political parties as a form of direct participation in policy-making. In focus are also the competencies needed for civic empowerment and political participation. The Article pays attention to the direct participation of youth in the development of public policies through different forms of participation. The main goal of the article is description of the necessary knowledge and skills, opportunities for their procurement, the role of different educational institutions and providers and the links between them. In this regard, a review of recent documents and studies concerning the topic is made.
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The paper presents the theoretical and conceptual foundations of children's participation in decisions affecting their lives. Children are seen as competent agents who can make decisions and be involved in the creation and development of the children's environment. A pilot Bulgarian study for the application of Mosaic approach in Haskovo is presented, and measures for development of children’s participation at the local and regional level are suggested.
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The paper depicts the historical review of the development of the self-determination principle, also it emphasises the fact that the principle itself does not guarantee its application and finally it determines all the possible abuses of it in practice. The principle of self-determination is defined, throughout history, as people’s will, mostly among complex communities, representing a certain community’s right to freely decide about its position inside the international political frame alongside with its own political destiny. However, the principle of self-determination and its use did not always have the wanted results, mostly due to the international community’s circumstances or its relations to political situation around the world including the interests of international powers. Nonetheless, the principle of self-determination still can be defined as the undeniable right of each and every community to create their own states. The principle itself is the rule of positive international law which is guaranteed by various documents. If neglected, it definitely emphasise the lack of understanding of the international law or, at least, the negligence then implies expressing of attitudes which are opposite to the law itself. The principle of self-determination is of paramount importance since it represents development of people’s right to equality. Moreover, it depicts the efforts of evading conflicts in favour of mutual collaboration. As all the other principles it can become the instrument of abuse, especially if it is used solely to achieve personal interests or aims or if it serves as a mere political instrument.
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Besides other aspects, one of the fundamental conditions of the modern political system is active and powerful civil society. Representatives of civil society and their increasing influence provide the background for increasing political participation and civic activism with the aim to make decision-making processes more effectual and having an impact on public policy actors. In that context, the objective of the article is to pay particular attention to one of the forms of participation, specifically using a comparative method to theoretically analyse the perspectives and limits of e-participation. The paper presumes the inevitable role of e-participation in the current modernisation of public administration processes which could overcome obstacles related to the participatory gap in post-communist countries.
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Na početku smatram svrsishodnim istaći dva pojma: etnički koncept nacije (jednonacionalne države) i sekularizaciju, kao principe uređenja društva i države. Etnički koncept nacije (jednonacionalne države) je moderan pojam. To je srednjoevropski model nacionalne integracije, pri kojem je država krajnja, jedina i neprikosnovena svrha postojanja. Ona je cjelina koja po smislu i važnosti prethodi pojedincu. Sekularizacija ima svoje karakteristike. Ispoljavaju se kroz racionalno razmišljanje ljudi, kroz napuštanje božanskog a prihvatanja kritičkog tumačenja ljudi i ljudskog okruženja, uz obilato korištenje dotadašnjih ljudskih iskustava i znanja zasnovanih na naučnim činjenicama.
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Ovaj rad izvorno je u skraćenoj verziji prezentiran na godišnjoj konferenciji pod nazivom Bošnjaci i bosanskohercegovačka država, što bi se moglo protumačiti na engleskom jeziku ili kao Bosniaks and the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina ili kao Bosniaks and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian State – i smatram da postoji razlika između ta dva tumačenja. Druga i nešto doslovnija formulacija karakterizira državu, dok je prva naprosto geografski locira. Formulacija Bosniaks and the Bosnian and Herzegovinian State implicitno sugerira odnos između ta dva elementa iz kojeg se odmah jasno vidi da je riječ o položaju Bošnjaka u državi kao njihovoj. Stoga je tema njihov odnos prema vlastitoj i jedinoj državi.
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The review of: Rusmir Mahmutćehajić: „O antibosanstvu: Muke života u tuđim predstavama“, Sarajevo: Connectum, 2017
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The article presents the main changes of the situation of women in Western Germany after the Second World War. The considerations are based on the female diaries from this period, as well as on the specialist literature. The first part of the text shows professional and educational activity of women in Germany in the years 1945–1949 and the female part in the restoring of the country from the war damages. The second part of the article presents the occurrence of the return to the traditional patterns of feminity in Federal Republic of Germany in time of the Christian Democracy rules (1949–1965). The third part of the considerations shows the effects of „the 1968 Revolution” for the women’s situation in Western Germany in time of the domination of the Social Democrats in this country (1969–1982). The fourth part of the text presents the increase of the real position of women in Federal Republic of Germany in the Eighties, in the context of the development of the civil society in West Germany.
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Państwo polskie jeszcze w trakcie walk w 1945 r. przeciwko III Rzeszy znalazło się pod rządami komunistów. Część patriotycznie nastawionej młodzieży nie pogodziła się z tym faktem i zaczęła przeciwstawiać się procesowi indoktrynacji. Młodzież podjęła z ustrojem komunistycznym walkę, której główną formą była dzia- łalność propagandowa. Młode pokolenie starało się w ulotkach pokazać prawdę o rzeczywistości czasu stalinizmu, np. opisywano brak swobód obywatelskich. Niektóre ugrupowania podejmowały także trudne kwestie stosunków polsko-żydowskich.
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Recent years have witnessed a lack of depth in the ethical view of relationships created by organizations as many scholars, public relations practitioners and institutions have focused more on the relationship with the public itself and less on the nature of the relationship and ethical aspects of the content offered by the communication plans developed by organizations. The article attempts to present how public institutions have focused less on the human person (as they sought to in the 20th century) due to the excessive growth of public and private organizations and the decaying of institutions that link individuals with the government institutions (local and national) and companies, like neighborhood associations, families’ networks, consumers’ organizations or grass roots groups. This situation has left individuals helpless before companies and public institutions. Public relations ethics have focused on the relationships between the organization and the public, but Church communication suggests in addition to this a reflection on the content of communication. Therefore, the Church’s approach to communications could help to regenerate the public relations field (as well as communications of institutions in general) by focusing more on the relationships between ethics and the content of public relations.
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The place of Christianity in social life is presently described in the relation of contemporary states to the Catholic Church and religious communities, current European models of legal solutions and to the protection of freedom of religion as the basic human right. Ideological presuppositions hinder a fair discussion both on the part of the supporters of individualistic-liberal ideology as well as the collective one. The first ideology perceives religion as a threat to human freedom, the other one negates a supernatural dimension of human existence, defining religion as one of the factors of social alienation. The influence of contemporary postmodernism is significant. The ideology inspires politics of some European states which are driven by secularity that is interpreted in a particular way; its aim is to reduce religion only to a private sphere and finally to eliminate it from public life. Christianity is perceived as an alien element which does not fit with contemporary culture and pluralistic social life. However, Christianity is still an essential element of individual national cultures, it is confessed and practiced, though its expression may vary, while secularization is a strong trend in European societies. Christians are actively present in social life and they contribute to social development though the witness of their faith, family communities and though organizations, associations, communities, religious movements, educational facilities of various levels, institutions. In this way Christians form social capital which is important for the society. Therefore it seems fitting to pose a question about the importance of Catholic associations in the formation of social capital. As Catholic associations base their activity on Christian values and their members affirm principles of Christian morality one can ask also about the significance of Christianity in social life and its impact on the formation of social capital.
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When we talk about the views of fr. Jozef Tischner (1935–2000) on the importance of freedom in public life, we must remember that our modern thinking about freedom is stigmatized by repulsion for different views, marked by a group ostracism, disappointments, escapes from freedom. People are disappointed and discouraged, do not engage in public affairs, do not participate in public debates and elections. Where does it come from? To a large extent from our past. Poles were involved in uprisings and burdened with the legacy of noble individualism, traditional rebellions and fighting for freedom; while others were building civil society based on the acceptance of freedom of every human being and on the respect for law, we were forced to break the imposed law and fight for freedom in order to preserve our national identity. And in this struggle for freedom we managed to maintain solidarity. It is more difficult to live out this solidarity in every-day life and to build a common home of democratic free state governed by the rule of the law. We have problems with managing areas of freedom in the public life; we do not know how to be wisely and creatively free in every-day life.
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The purpose of the article: The importance of the magazine “Znad Wilii” in the years 1989–1994 in building a positive identity of Poles at the Vilnius region, is an analysis of topics that were discussed at the journal, I will also try to reflect the prevailing social climate among Poles at the Vilnius region during the democratic transition, the collapse of the Soviet Union regime. An attempt to take the analysis of that issue is important because of the fact that local Poles efforts to establish a more intensive relations with Poland. For example by through the development of mutual relations between the Civic Parliamentary Club (Obywatelski Klub Parlamentarny), Solidarity, and the Lithuanian Sajūdis (this issue was raised, inter alia, in the article: Beginning of a common path – Początek wspólnej drogi), importance of the Polish minority in Lithuania, as well as a common history and memory of the First Republic – Respublica Serenissima and its importance in shaping contemporary identities of the nations of Central and Eastern Europe. Articles that were published during this period in the journal “Znad Wilii” are certainly interesting material, worthy of analysis in this study, also because of the important historical period in which they were submitted.
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The paper presents attitudes of Polish minority in Lithuania towards its situation and needs as a national minority living in democratising country exposed in articles from Czerwony Sztandar/Kurier Wileński (Red Banner/Vilnian Courier) between 1988–1990, being the greatest Polish language journal in Lithuania. The journal was the main and most popular Polish language medium that took the role of distributing rules and customs prevailing in democratic country. The journal’s community supported independence for Lithuania and encouraged Poles to join in for the creation of independent country. The author claims that the journal was unjustly accused by Lithuanian conservative communities of anti-lithuanian and anti-national attitudes.
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Certificates of good parentage and good behavior (litterae genealogiae, litterae conservationis) were prepared for those who aspired for municipal citizenship. Bestowing civic rights was a procedure of including to the local municipal community. It took place aft er an acceptation of city council and fulfilling by the candidate a number of qualifying conditions; one of which defined his personal values, that are: legal birth, from honest parents, and unblemished honour. Letters were to certify that a newcomer, candidate for a citizen, fulfils conditions specified in a dictum: frei, echt und recht, which means, that he was free, legally born and righteous. In the 15th century Lviv, organised according to the Magdeburg law, the rules of bestowing civic rights were no other than in communal type cities of the whole Central Europe. Th e most common mean for confirming candidate’s ability for obtaining civic rights was written certificate, a letter issued usually by the city council from the city of candidate’s previous residence.
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The review of: Ryszard Dyoniziak, Sondaże a manipulowanie społeczeństwem, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2003, ss. 135.
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Within the EU Accession process, the Republic of Serbia, by adopting the Action Plan for the Chapter 23, undertook the obligation to amend its Constitution in the part related to the judiciary. In this regard, the Ministry of Justice drafted and, on January 22nd, published the Working Version of the Draft Amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia taking into account the summary of six-month long consultative process with civil society conducted during last year. This paper analyzes new solutions that have been proposed by the Working text, as well as the most significant differences between them and the current Constitution. Among other things, the Working text proposes the exclusion of the National Assembly from the appointment process of judges, the removal of the probationary period for judges, revised composition and expanded jurisdiction of the High Judicial Council. Some of the proposed solutions were very welcomed by the public while others are strongly criticized. Anyway, the path between the Working text and the adoption of the Constitution is very long and all stakeholders, including the Government, civil society and the academia, need to put the effort to achieve the best result at the end, which is, naturally, to have an independent and accountable judiciary at the service of citizens.
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