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This book explores the many aspects of transition and its role in the change from authoritarian regimes to new democracies, while highlighting all of their difficulties and challenges.
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This study is aimed at 1) identifying the predictors for weapon-carrying on school properties; 2) build a predictive model for parents, educators, and pediatricians for early intervention. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (YRBSS) 2017 data were used for this study. Logistic regression model is used to calculate the predicted risk. Logistic regression is a part of a category of statistical models called generalized linear models, and it allows one to predict a discrete outcome from a set of variables that may be continuous, discrete, dichotomous, or a combination of these. Typically, the dependent variable is dichotomous and the independent variables are either categorical or continuous. The data is run through R program. The outcome variable is weapon-carrying based Q13 (During the past 30 days, on how many days did you carry a weapon such as a gun, knife, or club on school property?) The result identified several important predictors for carrying weapon on school properties, such as gender, alcohol use, and smoking age. This provided important information for the educators and parents for early intervention and alleviating the negative effects of weapon-carrying among teenagers.
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This paper critically examines the policy implications of the ongoing Canada-Czech Republic visa dispute for the founding principles of the EU’s immigration and asylum policies, notably those of reciprocity and solidarity. It addresses the main challenges posed by the unilateral reintroduction of visa requirements for nationals of the Czech Republic for the EU’s common visa policy, and for the fundamental rights of European citizens who belong to vulnerable and excluded groups, i.e. Roma, in search of international protection. The new Commission proposal on avisa safe guard clause for suspending visa liberalisation will be also critically examined in this context. The paper argues that the EU-Canada visa controversy reveals several pitfalls for the successful pursuit of EU foreign policy in Justice and Home Affairs, as well as for the legitimacy of Europe’s immigration and asylum policies. It concludes with a set of policy recommendations for improving EU-Canada cooperation in the fields of migration and asylum that aim to facilitate the legitimacy, solidarity and fundamental rights compliance of current and future cooperation frameworks.
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Wassilij Grossman — From the second part of the novel "For the just cause" // Georgi Boshinov — Green forests, cold water // Jossif Bogoras — The cell spike (novel) Part one // Wladimir Maramsin — The horse with two heads // Boris Jampolskij — Long live the world without me — to Jurij Oljescha // Jurij Oljescha — Liompa — Love — From "Not a day without a line" // Andrej Sinjawski — Promenades with Pushkin. Excerpts // Jossif Brodskij Lullaby from the Cod Cape. Poem // Josef Smrkovský — The unfinished conversation // Yevgeny Ternowskij — The dark face of Gogol // From the editors — Conversation with Eugene Ionesco
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The development of new technologies, social media and web 2.0. enable, inter alia, to address the problem of ineffective providing of public goods (free-rider problem). Thanks to growing connectivity it is now easier than ever for individuals to collectively contribute with ideas, time, expertise, or funds to public policy projects. This collective action is crowdsourcing. Crowdsourcing is the practice of engaging crowd for a public interest, primarily online through social media and crowdsourcing platforms, and leverage their networks for greater financial support and advocacy initiatives with a social impact. The goal of the paper is to introduce the crowdsourcing as the possibility to correct public service delivery failure and to identify the crowdsourcing development factors. The method of survey experiment is used to demonstrate the provision of public goods through crowdsourcing in community centre. The outcomes of research can be useful for government in public service charging and for non-governmental organizations in donations opportunities identifying.
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This paper deals with surveys and research founded on the social policy and discusses about the weaknesses, risks, advantages and disadvantages of the whole survey process from the very assessment of the problem, course of the survey to the data analysis and data evaluation. The studied areas themselves are a complicated matter since itself definition are difficult and therefore we try to describe the existing dilemmas of itself data, discuss process itself as such, data processing and finally synthesize and analyze the results obtained. This paper aims to highlight the weaknesses of the whole process, delineate options and suggest concept how to prevent them and increase corresponding value of the research or survey with emphasis on their practical use. Described results (concrete suggestions for improvement) then can be used for further survey, particularly in those areas, but also in other disciplines. Specifically, this includes changes in the methodology of described researches and the use of modeling for interpretation of reality in the social sciences.
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Towards the end of Kosovo status negotiations in 2007 and 2008 the Serbian political scene was filled with historically frequent, yet unusually intensive surge of enthusiasm towards Russia, its interests, priorities, and its Western Balkans policy. Praises of the modern day Russia and its internal political model became a common practice, which further led to a greater perception, among Serbian citizens, of Russia being a key political resource that Serbia could seriously rely upon. However, all these commendations, wishes and activities, were rather based on emotional and irrational grounds. They were formed by the historical closeness of the two peoples (defined by ethnicity, not by citizenship), and the common religious and cultural heritage, which were, according to this logic, easy to be transferred to the political level. Reasons for this increased enthusiasm naturally lay in the unresolved Kosovo status issue, but also in the rising number of economic and political problems. Russia has been perceived, as many times before in Serbian history, as a protector, with a sufficient political and economic capacity to help resolve Serbian problems. At the same time, scientific and rational arguments about Russia’s role and position were practically ignored, starting from the obvious (geographical distance), through more sophisticated ones (realistic interests and politics of Russia), to the completely theological (Russia’s vision of Serbia’s future and its social and political model) arguments.
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Jest to wykład rzetelny, skonstruowany ściśle chronologicznie, bardziej opowiadający niż analizujący. Historia polityczna w ujęciu Autora to historia polityki, która rozgrywa się przede wszystkim na terenie instytucji państwowych i w obrębie klasy politycznej. Głównym podmiotem nie jest więc anonimowe społeczeństwo, obecne w postaci wyników sondaży i głosowań, a niekiedy opisu strajków. Są nim bezpośredni uczestnicy – przede wszystkim liderzy – gry (walki) politycznej, co nadaje płynności wywodom Antoniego Dudka i podnosi temperaturę narracji. Prof. dr hab. Andrzej Paczkowski Antoni Dudek jako jeden z pierwszych profesjonalnych badaczy zajął się początkami, a następnie dziejami Trzeciej Rzeczpospolitej. Swój warsztat historyka i politologa wykorzystuje także w najnowszej, opartej na rozległych badaniach, historii politycznej Polski. To najlepszy dziś przewodnik dla wszystkich próbujących zrozumieć nasze dzieje po upadku rządów komunistycznych. Prof. dr hab. Jerzy Eisler Antoni Dudek – historyk i politolog, profesor nauk humanistycznych. W latach 1989–2014 pracownik Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, obecnie wykładowca na UKSW w Warszawie. W latach 2011–2016 członek i ostatni przewodniczący Rady IPN. Autor i współautor wielu książek o historii najnowszej Polski oraz jej systemie politycznym. Publicysta i komentator polityczny, prowadzi na YouTube autorski kanał „Dudek o Historii”.
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Treća studija koja je pred nama, a koja je nastala u okviru projekta Coming out! Zagovaranje i zaštita prava LGBT osoba, odnosi se na prava i slobode LGBT osoba u BiH u kontekstu sektora unutrašnjih poslova. Ovom studijom pokušale smo steći dublji uvid u percepcije, shvatanja, iskustva i uopšte senzibilitet zaposlenika_ca navedenog sektora kada je riječ o LGBT populaciji, koja spada u jednu od najmarginalnijih i najnevidljivijih društvenih grupa. Može se reći da je ovo više nego složen sektor koji ima različite nivoe, uključujući i razlike u načinu funkcionisanja na entitetskim nivoima. Ova složenost pa i svojevrsna neuhvatljivost stavova zaposlenika_ca ogleda se u tome da njihovo slobodno izražavanje može biti limitirano hijerarhijskom strukturom samog sektora, opterećenošću policije više nego brojnim društvenim problemima i slučajevima koji zahtijevaju danonoćnu policijsku intervenciju, i nerijetko, raspolučenošću između službenih stavova i njihovih ličnih percepcija i iskustava.
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Serbia officially started the negotiation process for its accession to European Union (EU) in January 2014, more than two years. So far, only two negotiation chapters have been opened: 32 (Financial Control), 35 (Other Issues, which in Serbia’s case, refers to Belgrade-Pristina relations), thus she was invited to prepare negotiation positions for two other chapters: 14 (Transport Policy) and 21 (Trans-European Networks). Negotiations on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), being of the most relevance for the following report, have yet to be opened, despite the facts that this was announced at the beginning of the negotiation process and that these chapters were the first to be opened during the latest round of EU enlargement. Finally, even though their opening has been scheduled for June 2016, this has also been called into doubt since Croatia, now an EU member state, recently raised reservations over certain issues covered by Chapter 23.
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The book Protection of Human Rights in the Army and the Police combines the papers prepared by the researchers and associates of the Centre for Civil-Military Relations, a Belgrade-seated NGO, within a project on the “Protection of Human Rights in the Army and the Police of the FR of Yugoslavia”. The whole project, including the publishing effort, was implemented with the support of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, London and Freedom House, Budapest. The project, initially conceived as one-year (2000-2001) interdisciplinary research exercise, was essentially aimed at identifying the degree of respect for human rights in the Yugoslav army and the police. The research also extended to the observance of human rights of citizens under the jurisdiction of the army and/or the police. The main task of the researchers was to look into the (im)balance between the regulative – constitutional and legal – protection of human rights in the army and the police of the FRY and their actual discharge. In order to do that relevant empirical data had to be collected.To this end, in early 2001, the Centre for Public Opinion and Political Research of the Institute for Social Sciences of the University of Belgrade carried out a survey on the situation of human rights and freedoms in the Yugoslav army and the police on a representative sample of 1680, as required for project purposes. The survey findings were presented to the public at a press conference on 12 April 2001 in the Belgrade Media Centre. The conclusive analysis of findings was then incorporated into the present Collection of Papers.
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The main goal of this research involves gaining insight into the current situation and the functioning of the social protection system in Serbia, including girls, young people women and women16 from rural areas, the target group that is at the center of the analysis. The specific objectives of the research are to identify and present barriers to access social services for the rural population. Further analysis deals with the needs, satisfaction with the services provided, as well as opportunities for greater participation rural population in the creation of social policy development plans. By research the needs of organizations and institutions that provide social services are also included protection and support, as well as opportunities to develop and improve their business and relations towards and with service users.
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Odlukom Vlade Republike Srbije od 26. marta 2009. godine osnovan je Nacionalni savet za decentralizaciju. Ovom odlukom kao ključni zadatak Nacionalnog saveta navedeno je da treba da učestvuje u pripremanju i izradi Strategije decentralizacije Republike Srbije u skladu sa evropskim standardima i iskustvima razvijenih evropskih zemalja, kao i potrebom da se u Srbiji kroz decentralizaciju nastavi proces njene demokratizacije U sastavu Nacionalnog saveta nalazio se jedan broj ministara, zatim ključni pokrajinski funkcioneri, kao i predsednici jednog broja većih opština u Srbiji. Navedenom odlukom Vlade Republike Srbije fomirana je i Radna grupa Nacionalnog saveta čiji je zadatak bio da sačini radni tekst nacionalne strategije decentralizacije Srbije, kao i sva druga neophodna prateća dokumenta. Za članove Radne grupe izabrani su :prof. dr Marijana Pajvančić , prof. dr Snežana Đorđević, prof. dr Stevan Šogorov, dr Miroslav Prokopijević, prof. dr Jovan Komšić, Aleksandar Popov, Centar za regionalizam Novi Sad, Mladen Jovanović, Protekta Niš. Na prvom sastanku Radne grupe za njenog koordinatora je izabran Aleksandar Popov. Nakon nekoliko sastanaka Radna grupa je u januaru 2010. godine sačinila nacrt Nacionalne strategije decentralizacije i uputila ga Nacionalnom Savetu na usvajanje. Sednica Nacionalnog saveta na kojem je započeta rasprava o nacrtu strukture Nacionalne strategije za decentralizaciju je održana 17. marta 2010. godine, ali nije do kraja završena, tako da na toj sednici nije doneta nikakva odluka o ovom dokumentu. Naredna sednica Nacionalnog saveta za decentralizaciju koja je bila zakazana za 27. april 2010. godine nije održana zbog bojkota svih ministara i jednog broja predsednika opština iz stranaka vladajuće koalicije. Pošto se zbog ovog bojkota rad Nacionalnog saveta za decentralizaciju, a samim tim i Radne grupe, nalazi u blokadi već skoro dve godine, veći deo eksperata i njen koordinator su napustili Radnu grupu. Pošto je reč o stručnjacima koji su dugogodišnji saradnici Centra za regionalizam zajednički je dogovoreno da se u okviru Centra započne rad na izradi priloga za buduću Nacionalnu strategiju za decentralizaciju, odnosno alternativne Nacionalne strategije. Rad na ovim prilozima ima višestruki smisao. Kao prvo kroz njihovu izradu i javnu promociju tema decentralizacije Srbije će se držati otvorenom u javnosti. S druge strane, ovi radovi će poslužiti za finalizaciju zvanične Nacionalne strategije decentralizacije, kada se jednog dana steknu uslovi za to, odnosno kada se pokaže politička volja da se ovaj dokument sačini i stvarno započne proces decentralizacije Srbije. Priloge u ovoj knjizi su dali: prof. dr Marijana Pajvančić, prof. dr Snežana Đorđević, prof. dr Stevan Šogorov, prof.dr Irena Pejić, dr Miroslav Prokopijević, prof. dr Jovan Komšić I Aleksandar Popov. Rad na ovoj studiji o decentralizaciji, odnosno zbirki priloga za Nacionalnu strategiju decentralizacije podržan je od strane Ambasade Kraljevine Norveške u Beogradu.
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At the beginning of 2014, Igman Initiative, a network of CSOs from the countries signatories to the Dayton Agreement, had set off the project of civic monitoring of implementation of Regional Housing Programme (in further text RHP), with special focus on providing housing care for Roma, as one of the most vulnerable groups within the refugee population, and integrating their interest in that process. A special vulnerability of Roma population derives from the fact that Roma are often unemployed and live off social assistance in hard housing conditions, often in illegal and segregated settlements without proper infrastructure, in flats which they illegally inhibited or in housing units without construction permit and proof of ownership. Consequently, they face difficulties in exercising their status rights and accessing health services, education, employment, social protection and housing care, usually due to the absence of personal documents, poverty, and traditional way of living or limited access to institutions. In relation to other refugees and DPs a majority Roma is in the category of legally invisible persons (absence of personal documents). As a result, and because of prejudice, they encounter numerous difficulties in obtaining documents and realizing refugee status or acquiring citizenship, which is conditioned by the acquisition of citizenship in domicile country or the status of foreigner with permanent residence, all which is a prerequisite for the exercise of other rights, including the right to housing. For example, although the Government of Montenegro is putting enormous effort into solving the status of DPs and IDPs the major risk lies in the fact that a majority of Roma still hasn’t regulated its status in Montenegro. The rights to housing under the RHP will only have those DPs and IDPs who have regulated their status. This project was initiated for the reason that the Igman Initiative has warned before that there is bias and unequal treatment in the region, including discrimination of Roma with regards to their access to housing care, as well as numerous issues with regard to proving the status of refugees, or the ownership of property or its devastation. The main objective of the project is to improve the status of Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs in Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, by providing assistance in accessing housing care and providing support to competent authorities in their efforts to permanently resolve Roma issues in the area of housing. During the realization of this project it has been determined that competent institutions in the countries of the Dayton Quadrangle responsible for the implementation of the RHP do not have precise data on Roma refugees and DPs, their number, current territorial density and their housing needs. General statistical data regarding Roma population, i.e. Roma refugees and DPs, does not match the state of affairs in this area. Due to the lack of data on Roma refugees, DPs, IDPs and their housing needs, in relation to anticipated models of the RHP implementation in participating countries, there is a risk that a significant number of the most vulnerable Roma refugee and displaced families will be neglected during the implementation of the RHP. For example, in Croatia the RHP deals primarily with persons who are still placed in refugee camps or collective centers or with former holders of tenancy rights, among whom there are no Roma refugees, DPs or IDPs. For this reason, competent institutions in the RHP implementing countries should determine the exact number of Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs, their territorial density as well as their accurate housing needs, so as to adjust the anticipated models of the RHP implementation in a way that will include most vulnerable Roma refugee and displaced families in the programs of housing care. The RHP does not recognize Roma refugees, DPs and IDPs as a special vulnerable group, but determines the final beneficiaries according to unprecedented criteria of vulnerability regardless of nationality, other affiliations, or other individual circumstance. Therefore it is difficult to monitor the implementation of the RHP in relation to this or any other ethnic group. With regard to terms of conditions and criteria for the selection of final beneficiaries, the RHP guarantees equal status to all refugees and displaced persons, so that no group within the refugee and DP population receives a special treatment. Consistent with that approach the most vulnerable refugees and DPs, among whom a significant part is Roma, will receive assistance, under the requisite that they submit their applications with all requested documentation. Nevertheless, although the status of Roma refugees and DPs is formally equal to the status of other categories of socially vulnerable refugees and DPs in respect of access to the RHP, their housing and the overall socio-economic status is, by rule, more vulnerable, due to which their access to the RHP is undermined in relation to other categories of socially vulnerable refugees and DPs.
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