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Cooperation between public institutions and civil society organizations (CSOs) is essential for any successful anticorruption strategy. Strengthening the role of CSOs with regard to anticorruption means thinking in terms of a system - how can a corruption system be broken and how is it possible to develop and improve national and local integrity systems (LIS). Transparency and access to information is widely seen as the key to promote greater public sector efficiency and reducing corruption because the information can be monitored by citizens and watchdog organizations. This Best Practices Manual is specifically aimed at strengthening the cooperation between civil society organizations and public institutions with regard to preventing and fighting corruption. It provides a comprehensive account of the selected best practices of cooperation, including their structure, impact, sustainability and lessons learned in countries such as Romania, Bulgaria, The Netherlands and other European Union (EU) and non-EU states. The applicability of these practices is context specific, nevertheless, it is possible to draw a number of valuable generic lessons.
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Glavni rezultati istraživanja ukazuju da LGBT osobe još uvijek predstavljaju nedovoljno vidljivu kategoriju kada je o načinima policijskog djelovanja riječ. Iako se to jednim dijelom može tumačiti pozitivno – tako nam je jedna osoba, zaposlenik_ca, izjavila da nikad nisu imali problema sa ovom populacijom – glavni uzrok ove nevidljivosti nije u navedenoj neproblematičnosti već u malom broju outovanih LGBT osoba, nedovoljnoj senzibiliranosti zaposlenika_ca prema specifičnim problemima i potrebama ove grupe, stalnom strahu kojem je ova populacija izložena usljed čega, nerijetko, izbjegava da se obrati policiji za pomoć u slučaju nužde. Takođe, mali broj slučajeva procesuiranih na sudovima koji uz to nisu bili riješeni pozitivno i podsticajno po LGBT populaciju, demotiviše ih da se policiji obrate za pomoć. Iz tih razloga čiji je ključ nevidljivost, veliki broj intervjuisanih zaposlenika_ca navodi da je položaj ove grupe ili ravnopravan u društvu ili da je oni_e tretiraju ravnopravno. Ovo posljednje može značiti grešku u zaključivanju pars pro toto. Posljedica je to nedovoljnog poznavanja same tematike, malog broja registrovanih napada i nasilja, ali i nerazlučivanja između stvarnog stanja u društvu i percepcije tog stanja. No, zaposlenici_e koji su odgovarali da je položaj ove grupe neravnopravan, ovu neravnopravnost dovodili su u vezu sa generalijama kao što su opšte i nepovoljno stanje u društvu, patrijarhalna svijest, balkanski mentalitet kao i situacijom u drugim sektorima, a izuzetno rijetko su to stavljali u kontekst svog (ne)dovoljnog angažmana i načina tretiranja ove populacije. Kroz faktički sve intervjue sa zaposlenicima_ama je provejavao stav da se oni_e rukovode etikom dužnosti i profesionalnosti, što su ilustrovali sankcijama koje su neki zaposlenici_e trpjeli poslije nasilja na Queer Sarajevo Festivalu. Uprkos tome su, kada je o javnim okupljanjima ove populacije riječ, nerijetko napuštali diskurs ljudskih prava i svoje profesionalne dužnosti. Najčešće su izražavali skepticizam, čak i u slučajevima kada su isticali da svako ima pravo na slobodno okupljanje, pravdajući to svojevrsnim pragmatizmom – visok stepen rizika, mogućnost eskalacije nasilja, bespotrebna ugroženost policije na terenu i sl. Iako rjeđe, mogli su se čuti i kategorički stavovi da takva okupljanja jednostavno treba zabraniti. Iako je velika većina ispitanika_ca izjavljivala da su LGBT osobe građani_ke kao i svi drugi, u jednom navratu se čuo izrazito homofoban stav da su to bolesni ljudi, odnosno u drugom slučaju, u nešto blažem obliku, da su agresivni. Navodna agresivnost je posljedica prisutnih ste , da su agresivni. Navodna agresivnost je posljedica prisutnih stereotipija da LGBT osobe traže posebna prava i da teže da nametnu svoje stavove odnosno orijentaciju “normalnom“ dijelu populacije. Posebno značajan segment koji se tiče LGBT osoba u kontekstu istraživanog sektora je coming out. Naime, dok je većina ispitanika_ca tvrdila da svako ima pravo da radi šta hoće unutar četiri zida, a nezanemarljiv dio da je outovanje stvar svakog pojedinca_ke, iz ovakvih odgovara se ne vide društveno-političke implikacije koje outovanje ima. Jer, kako biti out u društvu u kome je biti LGBT praćeno stalnim strahom od stvarnih odnosno potencijalnih napada i prijetnji? Kao što je duhovito primijetio slovenački istraživač Roman Kuhar, kao da se čitav život može provesti unutar četiri zida!? Takođe je značajno da su zaposlenici_e prepoznali značaj doedukacije i dalje senzibilizacije i doprinos civilnog društva u ovom segmentu. Međutim, ostaje upitno koliko je ovo izrečeno više deklarativno budući da je velika većina navela da ne poznaje nijedno udruženje koje se bavi ovom tematikom.
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Książka jest wielowątkowym przeglądem zagadnień związanych z polityką imigracyjną Izraela, opisującym zarówno działania samego państwa, jak i wspólnoty żydowskiej. Ukazuje plątaninę społecznych, historycznych, religijnych, ideologicznych i kulturowych uwarunkowań omawianej polityki oraz skomplikowany i płynny system przyjmowania żydowskich imigrantów i integracji nowych obywateli. Cechuje go wiele nietypowych rozwiązań, między innymi udział w polityce imigracyjnej organizacji pozarządowych czy programy propagujące imigrację w diasporze. W pracy został także omówiony wpływ uwarunkowań demograficznych na działania Państwa Izraela.Książka jest przeznaczona głównie dla osób interesujących się problematyką konfliktów i migracji międzynarodowych oraz współczesną sytuacją polityczną i społeczną Izraela oraz diaspory.
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The book you are holding attempts to represent the world of women in the times when life became extremely accelerated – ideologised, industrialised, psychoanalysed, technologised, mobilised, commercialised, relativised. Our book has many a limitation. Methodologically, its chapters are not fully harmonised; it lacks the analysis of the construction of woman in different ideologies. It was written quickly, but with passion, love and regret that not all archives, museums or libraries across Bosnia and Herzegovina and abroad were visited (a lot of the relevant material is not located in BiH). The driving force behind this endeavour of a group of people was the exclusion of women from the main trends, loss of continuity and their deletion from the cultural, scientific and all other memories. Therefore, this book primarily serves as the activist response to the systematic neglect of the contribution of women to BiH culture and it is an attempt to provide a foundation to the study of the history of women in BiH.
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The current analysis depicts the major trends in and risks to the development of civil society in Bulgaria. Three groups of risks are identified related to the establishment of public-private partnerships, the capture of civil society by politicians at local and national level, and the nature of commercial activities performed by non-profit organizations. The suggested legislative changes and measures target state and municipal structures related to non-profit organizations. In addition, this paper outlines measures aimed at self-regulation and greater transparency in the "third sector".
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Wiktor Woroszylski followed a path characteristic for many Polish intellectuals in the second half of the 20th century: from entanglement in communism to active opposition to it. He was not only a witness but also a participant of many events of key significance for the post-war history who also influenced them.It is a chronicle of a non-conformist group, written down at a time when keeping such records required great courage, and, at the same time, an expressive portrait of that group, strengthened internally by friendship and mutual loyalty, which has finally become a timeless example of freedom.Crowds, people released from jail, the whole group, one can hardly work out, probably more than one hundred people, press, talks about what has happened, and euphoria again. I was not imaginative enough to realize what happened; I treated the whole work of the Workers’ Defence Committee, etc., in the past years more as a way to save our souls and perhaps create some islands of internal freedom but I did not take into account the prospects of social victory on such a scale.
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Three months which changed Ukraine written down through the testimonies of individuals: recordings, diaries, memoirs, blogs or Facebook entries. The multitude of experiences makes up a universal story of the phenomenon of Ukrainian breakthrough which started with a peaceful rally in defence of pro-European orientation of the country and ended with the revolution in Kiev and the overthrow of a criminal president. It was the time when the Ukrainians started speaking with a full voice about their right to free choice, about honesty, truth, and dignity, and finally took to the streets in their defence at any cost.
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Three months which changed Ukraine written down through the testimonies of individuals: recordings, diaries, memoirs, blogs or Facebook entries. The multitude of experiences makes up a universal story of the phenomenon of Ukrainian breakthrough which started with a peaceful rally in defence of pro-European orientation of the country and ended with the revolution in Kiev and the overthrow of a criminal president. It was the time when the Ukrainians started speaking with a full voice about their right to free choice, about honesty, truth, and dignity, and finally took to the streets in their defence at any cost.
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The conference provides the appropriate academic exchange of ideas, opinions and communication of the latest results of scientific research in the field of security and strategy.
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The conference provides the appropriate academic exchange of ideas, opinions and communication of the latest results of scientific research in the field of security and strategy.
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Borba za prava LGBT osoba na teritoriju Europe starija je od stotinu i pedeset godina, ako kao referentnu polaznu točku pravno-zagovaračkih aktivnosti uzmemo nastojanja pojedinaca, kao što su Karl Heinrich Ulrichs i Karl Maria Kertbeny, za dekriminalizacijom homoseksualnosti sredinom 19. stoljeća. Nešto kasnije, 1897. godine njemački seksolog Magnus Hirschfield uputio je tadašnjem pruskom parlamentu peticiju za dekriminalizacijom homoseksualnosti koja je prikupila oko 6.000 potpisa. Homoseksualnost je u kazneno-pravnoj teoriji i praksi od samih početaka bila tretirana kao kazneno djelo i tek je kroz prosvjetiteljski pokret i reformu kaznenih zakona predviđena kazna za homoseksualnost od smrtne kazne prešla u kaznu zatvora. Ovdje treba istaknuti i pojedine teoretičare prava, kao što je Jeremy Bentham, koji su još u 18. stoljeću objašnjavali potrebu za pravnim postavkama koje će dokinuti bilo kakvo kažnjavanje homoseksualnosti, a na koje smo čekali stoljećima, dok u pojedinim zemljama svijeta na njih još uvijek čekamo. Uloga prava u LGBT pokretu za emancipaciju i ravnopravnost LGBT osoba bila je, i još uvijek je, od velike važnosti. Posebno mjesto u toj borbi zauzima međunarodni sustav zaštite ljudskih prava. U okviru tog sustava izrazito važno mjesto ima Europski sud za ljudska prava, najučinkovitiji međunarodni mehanizam zaštite ljudskih prava. Njegova je praksa u posljednjih tridesetak godina nametnula važne standarde, ne samo u odnosu na dekriminalizaciju homoseksualnosti i ukidanje različitih dobi pristanka na seksualne odnose za homoseksualne osobe u odnosu na heteroseksualne odnose, već i u uspostavi zaštite LGBT osoba od nasilja i uznemiravanja te uživanju socijalnih prava.
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This paper deals with loss of citizenship of the European Union (EU) due to the loss of nationality of an EU member state. Only the nationals of a member state possess European citizenship; the loss of nationality of a member state thus also implies the loss of European citizenship. Member states are in principle autonomous in nationality matters, which means that their rules on loss of nationality, and loss of EU citizenship, differ considerably. But member states must respect international law and the general principles of European law when dealing with loss of nationality. This report aims to provide a comprehensive and systematic comparative analysis of existing regulations and procedures in EU member states with regard to the involuntary loss of nationality.
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‘Civic integration’ programmes and tests for third-country nationals (TCNs) have increasingly become part of member states’ legislation implementing EC immigration law and the EU Framework on Integration. The civic dimension of integration consists of various programmes and tests requiring TCNs to demonstrate that they know and respect the receiving society’s history, institutions and values. This paper assesses the tensions inherent in the relationship between civic integration programmes and the principles of legal certainty, proportionality and non-discrimination. This paper compares national immigration legislation in four member states – Denmark, France, Germany and the Netherlands. It studies the personal and material scope of civic integration provisions as well as the political justifications promulgated by their governments for introducing these kinds of policies. This comparison enables us to identify the common deficits of these member states’ policies. We argue that by providing a supranational venue for the transferring and legitimising certain national policies that use civic integration to restrict immigration, the legitimacy and coherency of the EU immigration policy is profoundly affected by the same deficits.
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Biometrics are a feature of communication technologies (ICTs). Their disproportionate use andthe lax and arbitrary way in which they are defined and implemented endangers values, norms and practices central to accepted conceptions in the EU27 of transparency, data protection and data privacy. Concern over the indiscriminate and growing use of biometrics for increasingly mundane and imprecise purposes results in a breach of the earlier intention to ensure their proportionate deployment based on the principle of necessity. Deviation from this is now justified by reference to loose arguments about the alleged ‘certainty’ that biometric identifiers bring to cutting risk, and so enhancing ‘security’, however that is defined.
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In February 2011, the European Commission published a proposal for a new Directive on theuse of passenger name record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist offences and serious crimes. This proposal replaces an earlier draft of 2007 for a Framework Decision on the use of PNR data for law enforcement purposes. The new proposal does not seem to allay the earlier concerns of important stake holders with regard to the 2007 proposal. Its content contradicts not only important principles of data protection as described by the Commission in November 2010, but also the principle of proportionality underlying EU law.
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The coronavirus pandemic that erupted at the beginning of 2020 has entailed significant political, economic and social consequences on a global scale. In Southeast Europe, COVID-19 has represented one more crisis in addition to the long-standing problems that have plagued the region, particularly in the media sphere. The report examines the impact of the coronavirus crisis on press independence in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Albania. It assesses three main dimensions contributing to the shrinking space for media freedom in the circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic and state of emergency: domestic politics and societal developments; foreign authoritarian media interference, technology and social media. A key conclusion is that the COVID-19 pandemic has reinforced the pre-existing internal and external factors underwriting the deteriorating condition of the media across the region. At the same time, the pandemic has re-awakened democratic instincts, providing opportunities for the invigoration of freedom of expression.
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Ovim izvještajem se analizira pravo na slobodu okupljanja, s fokusom na praksi nadležnih organa: ministarstava unutrašnjih poslova u kantonima Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Republici Srpskoj te Policije Brčko distrikta. Istražena je i praksa drugih aktera koji u Bosni i Hercegovini mogu odlučivati o ostvarivanju prava na okupljanje (ministarstva saobraćaja, općinska tijela, privatne osobe). Iako je fokus na praksi, analizirani su i pozitivni propisi koji se odnose na prijavu i mogućnosti zabrane okupljanja, pri čemu je ispitana njihova usklađenost s međunarodnim standardima. Glavni cilj istraživanja je utvrditi da li je praksa institucija u Bosni i Hercegovini u pogledu prava na slobodu okupljanja restriktivna i koji su izazovi s kojima se susreću organizatori/organizatorice javnih okupljanja. Istraživanje je obuhvatilo cijeli teritorij Bosne i Hercegovine u vremenskom okviru od 1. 1. 2017. do 31.12.2019. godine. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju da broj javnih okupljanja u Bosni i Hercegovini raste, kao i broj učesnika/učesnica okupljanja. Zakonski propisi, međutim , razlikuju se u različitim dijelovim a Bosne i Hercegovine, sa zajedničkom karakteristikom da nisu usklađeni s međunarodnim standardima. Loša zakonska regulativa, loša primjena te regulative u praksi i veliko diskreciono pravo koje je ostavljeno akterima u ovoj oblasti dovode do ograničavanja i diskriminacije u ostvarivanju prava na javno okupljanje u Bosni i Hercegovini. Praksa organa zavisi od cilja okupljanja, odnosno restriktivna je ukoliko su u pitanju okupljanja usmjerena na kritiku lokalne vlasti ili imaju u svom središtu prava žena i LGBTI osoba. Stoga je neophodno domaće zakone uskladiti u cijeloj državi, harmonizirati ih s međunarodnim standardima te kontinuirano obučavati državne organe u pogledu sadržaja i primjene međunarodnih standarda u ovoj oblasti. Imajući u vidu prethodno navedeno, ovaj izvještaj daje preporuke za razvoj kvalitetnog okvira za ostvarivanje prava na slobodu okupljanja u Bosni i Hercegovini, usklađenog s međunarodnim standardima.
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Popis pružatelja psihosocijalnih usluga je nastao sa ciljem informiranja civilnih žrtava rata o dostupnosti organizacija i ustanova koje nude psihosocijalnu pomoć i rehabilitacijske tretmane na području Republike Hrvatske. On je produkt sastanaka i suradnje sa različitim organizacijama i institucijama koje u svojem djelovanju pružaju psihosocijalnu podršku. Spomenuti sastanci sa pružateljima su održani u Vukovaru, Sisku, Zadru i Dubrovniku dok je trening za određeni broj pružatelja bio održan u Osijeku. Popis čine organizacije civilnog društva i državne institucije na području svih županija. Popis sadrži nama dostupne podatke, nije potpun te je podložan promjenama i nadopunama.
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The presented publication is an attempt to present the image of social policy implemented by local governments, with particular emphasis on the problems of small municipalities, including mining municipalities in the Silesian Voivodeship. The author presents problems related to the implementation of social policy goals and tasks of local communities on the background of the conceptual and legal determinants of the functioning of the commune self-government. Various conditions and difficulties in solving social problems, as well as cooperation with the third sector are the main subject of the analysis. The considerations contained in the publication are a result of the author's many years of experience, a result of confronting theoretical concepts with the realities and practice of the Polish social policy system on the local scale.
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