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The Digital sources of information in their traditional meaning – radios, televisions, press and new medias (online platforms, websites, digital blogs etc.) in the spatial trajectory of internet, receive a total comprehensiveness and phenomenal effective power at present days. They influence on people’s understanding and behavior, people’s socialization and emotions, their needs and interests. Work on fundamental changes in all social spheres, institutions, communities and organizational structures, in relations within and between them. At the same time digital sources of information reorganize the existing communication spaces, „revolutionize” long-lived models of culture and practices, advantaging the foundation of new socio-cultural conceptions. They cause modern professions and spheres, cross-media realities. This collective monograph is dedicated to topical subject. It includes academicians from three continents with a significant presence of their respective countries – Asia, Africa and Europe. From Bulgaria participate well-known scientist, as well as young researchers from four universities: Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, The University of National and World economy, New Bulgarian University, South West University “Nеeofit Rilski” and Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. Practically all the dimensions and fundamental reflexion of digital sources of information are presented starting from the changes of interpersonal, group and mass communication, through changes of labour, culture, education, politics, health and the emergence of a new sections and professional options/choices. These issues are especially innovative, because in everyday activities individuals are placed under conditions of coherence with others that is achieved with the mediation of digital sources, developing permanently and comprehensively. Every current events in the group of professional community and organization is easy, when it is stimulated from the new media. However, at the same time digitization require knowledge and use of different searching tools, finding and extracting information, as well as its interpretation and foundation of a new meaning. People become founders of a new meaning and this as a matter of a principle is the unique and the creative that change human form into active social subject. Hopefully this collective monograph to be not only scientific reflexion of the postmodern transformation, but also a useful reading mater for students of all educational levels, as well as young researchers.
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This report evaluates the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia during its first year (December 2010 to July 2012). The NAP was introduced to mainstream gender perspectives in security sector management and enhance Serbia’s role in promoting gender equality within the Western Balkans. While the adoption of the NAP marked a significant reform initiative, its implementation has faced numerous challenges, including delays in establishing institutional mechanisms, insufficient funding, and limited integration of existing gender equality frameworks. The report examines seven key thematic areas outlined in the NAP: institutional mechanisms, women’s representation in the security sector, participation in decision-making and multinational operations, legal protection against discrimination, education and training, media representation, and collaboration with civil society organizations (CSOs). Particular attention is given to institutional cooperation with CSOs, as they play a crucial role in advancing NAP objectives. Findings highlight persistent barriers, such as discrimination in the male-dominated security sector, inadequate institutional commitment, and the lack of robust media coverage promoting gender equality. Recommendations are provided for addressing these challenges, including strengthening institutional accountability, improving funding mechanisms, and fostering collaboration between state and non-state actors. The report underscores the importance of integrating gender equality policies into security sector reform to improve institutional efficiency, bolster Serbia’s international standing, and enhance citizen security.
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This is the second independent report on the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementing UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia. The first report was published in 2012. It covered the period from the NAP adoption in December 2010 to July 2012. The aim of the second report is to present the greatest achievements in the process of NAP implementation for the period July 2012 - 2013, to point out the challenges faced within this process, and to suggest the measures to overcome these challenges and advance the implementation of the NAP. Looking at the progress made in the implementation of the NAP during the relevant period, we will focus on the main accomplishments of the previous period, and particularly on the challenges, with the intention to see whether they were addressed by public authorities in the past year. Taking into consideration that three years have passed since the adoption of the NAP, key findings and messages of this Report will hopefully generate discussion and prompt a review of the NAP to ensure a better understanding of what has been completed done thus far, while equally identifying priorities for the coming period of the NAP implementation.
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The adoption of UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security was heavily influenced by the experiences of gender-based violence, exclusion of women-led peace initiatives, and the reinforcement of traditional gender roles during the Yugoslav wars. Women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and the international community spearheaded efforts to increase women's roles in conflict resolution and security governance. Despite the resolution's adoption, it took over a decade for its principles to be integrated into national policies in the Western Balkans. Women's CSOs played a critical role in advocating for human security and gender equality, although they were often marginalized and labeled as adversaries by nationalist political regimes. Momentum for mainstreaming UNSCR 1325 only grew after international actors supported its agenda in the region, particularly during the resolution's tenth-anniversary preparations. Governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Kosovo developed National Action Plans (NAPs), while Montenegro and Albania chose alternative approaches. These efforts primarily focused on internal reforms aimed at gender equality and security sector transformation, rather than addressing the legacies of conflict or prioritizing foreign policy. This study reviews the initial implementation of UNSCR 1325 in selected Western Balkan countries, analyzing the effectiveness of NAPs and alternative strategies. It highlights the challenges and opportunities encountered in aligning gender equality with security reforms. The findings offer insights for countries in the region and beyond as they continue to develop or refine their approaches to the Women, Peace, and Security agenda.
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Over the past six months, the coalition PrEUgovor has been monitoring the state of play regarding the key policy areas in the process of Serbia’s accession to the EU. These areas include the political criteria and policies covered under chapters 23 and 24 of the European acquis in the negotiation process. The monitored period was marked by two key events: the release of Screening Reports for chapters 23 and 24 by the European Commission, and drafting of the Action Plans for these two chapters. Additionally, the Progress Report for Serbia for 2014 was released by the EC in October, so this report is envisaged as a commentary and an update to this document. This report presents concrete case studies, well researched and documented by the coalition’s members, in order to illustrate problems in the areas covered. Lastly, it also contains comments on the Action Plan draft for chapter 23. Generally, the progress in the areas covered by the PrEUgovor report can best be described as uneven and erratic. When it comes to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo no progress was achieved, mostly due to elections and the inability to form the government in Pristina. Although there was change in legislation regarding civilian oversight of the security sector, the opportunity to systematically regulate this area was missed. The area of the fight against corruption witnessed partial progress with the adoption of new regulations, although the opportunity was missed to fulfil anti-corruption goals to a greater extent. In the area of the protection of women from gender-based violence, protection of children and protection of the victims of violence there was no further progress. In the migration and asylum policy areas no substantial progress was achieved. The same goes for the fight against human trafficking where there still exist numerous obstacles on the path towards full harmonization of domestic legal system with the European standards.
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This document highlights the importance of tracking political party pledges to ensure democracy remains functional and accountable. Without such tracking, democracy risks being reduced to mere voter approval during elections, allowing political elites to focus solely on re-election strategies rather than serving the public will. Over time, this undermines democratic values and erodes confidence in institutions. The National Assembly of Serbia, as defined by the Constitution, is the supreme legislative body responsible for ensuring democratic checks and balances. It holds powers to oversee, control, and, if necessary, terminate the mandates of the government and individual ministers. This oversight is particularly crucial in the security sector due to its potential for power concentration, significant budget allocation, and its role in safeguarding citizens' rights. Parliament also serves as a critical intermediary between the public and executive power structures. The National Assembly employs several mechanisms to exercise its oversight role, including parliamentary questions, reports on government functioning, and interpellation. Parliamentary questions are a significant tool for scrutinizing government activities, particularly in the fields of security, defence, and internal affairs. These questions can address corruption and the management of resources within the security sector. An analysis of the eighth and ninth parliamentary terms (2008–2012) of Serbia's National Assembly reveals both the application and limitations of parliamentary questions in overseeing the executive. While this mechanism is widely used, shortcomings in its application were identified, prompting recommendations for improvement. The article underscores the necessity of enhancing these oversight tools to strengthen parliamentary control, especially in addressing corruption and ensuring transparency in the security sector.
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Wiretapping and tailing of suspects are the traditional mainstays of security service activity. However, the multiplication and growing complexity of security threats and risks, as well as development of technology and communications has led to an increase in the number and variety of techniques used to covertly gather data, such as secretly accessing people’s communications. Additionally, the number of government bodies and institutions implementing such measures has grown beyond the police and security services to include, for example, the Administration for the Prevention of Money Laundering and has also come to include private detective and investigative agencies. Today such measures are no longer applied only for preventative intelligence gathering but also in the course of criminal proceedings. The situation is further confounded by the fact that these activities are governed by a vast number of (unintegrated) regulations and by decreasing understanding of this field, both by the general public and by professionals. This is best illustrated by the fact that lawmakers use a variety of terms to define such measures in legislation: “special procedures and measures” (Law on the VBA and VOA), “special measures infringing on the privacy of correspondence and other communications” (Law on the BIA) and “special investigative activity” (Criminal Procedure Code).
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Despite the fact that public procurement systems in general bear a substantial impact on any given country’s economy, and, subsequently, on the everyday lives of their respective citizens, the social dimension of Serbia’s own public procurement system has been left neglected. Albeit that Serbia’s 2012 Public Procurement Law presents a positive step in its continuous effort to reform public procurement, the fact still remains that Serbia’s professional and academic community, as well as other parties involved in this process, have focused solely on the economic role of public procurements in terms of “procuring goods, services or labour assignments”.1 The result has been a serious lack of attention paid to the due impact of public procurements on social categories as a whole. Bearing in mind that gender perspectives are relevant to all sectors of society, it is important to understand how gender patterns differently affect the organization, implementation, and realization of public procurements as well as the consequences they produce. In this same unique regard, this paper takes as its focus public procurement in Serbia’s security sector in order to better understand the impact public procurements have on both women and men.
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The security vs. privacy dilemma has been a subject of debate for decades. Even through the right to privacy is not decidedly affirmed by the constitutions of some democratic countries, it is clear that without privacy freedom would not be possible. This conclusion is confirmed by the histories of autocratic and totalitarian regimes, which have deployed secret police to suppress privacy and individual freedoms. On the other hand, the rise of new threats to security suggests freedom is not possible without protection. From the perspective of those who believe control is necessary, the problem lies in the fact that the impossibility of monitoring illegal activities makes it difficult to bring those responsible to account. On the other hand, tracking, surveillance, wiretapping, CCTV and hidden cameras are causes of dismay to those who have experienced draconian totalitarian regimes.
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Since the end of the Cold War, peacekeeping has evolved into a more complex, multidimensional effort, encompassing military, civilian, political, and humanitarian tasks. This shift marked the emergence of peacebuilding, a broader concept dating back to post-WWII reconstruction efforts. The term gained prominence in the early 1990s when UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali defined it as actions to support structures that solidify peace and prevent conflict relapse. Subsequent documents, including the Brahimi Report, expanded peacebuilding to include integrated strategies across all phases of conflict. Modern "hybrid" peacebuilding operations, involving collaboration between the UN and regional organizations under joint leadership, engage diverse actors - international and regional organizations, NGOs, financial institutions, national agencies, donors, and local communities. This comprehensive approach has increased the involvement of civilian, police, and military personnel in peace operations. Post-conflict peacebuilding relies heavily on civilian expertise to address security, political, and socioeconomic reconstruction, which is vital for sustainable peace. With growing demands for civilian experts in peace missions - doubling in UN operations over the last decade - this policy brief reviews the operational requirements, legal frameworks, practices, and challenges of deploying civilian experts to UN, EU, OSCE, and NATO peace operations.
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Reality sometimes overtakes scientific research and academic debate. Although the topic of this monograph goes beyond just one in a sea of electoral cycles, the events of the elections held in Serbia on December 17, 2023 significantly influenced the return of the narrative about the need for electoral reform to the domestic public. It certainly contributes to the topicality of this book. Election conditions as one of the important political issues in Serbia have been present in the public discourse for several years - at least since before the 2020 elections and the announced, and then realized, boycott of most opposition parties; while the need for change or at least serious reform of the electoral system has been discussed in academic circles for two decades. Despite this, the electoral system that has been in force in Serbia since October 2000 has proven to be extremely resilient. Its consequences are often extreme, both from the point of view of electoral actors, and from the point of view of the wider institutional and social framework, which we will discuss in a series of chapters below. The proportional electoral system with closed lists and the entire country as one electoral unit is rare in comparative practice and is applied, with greater or lesser variations, by only a few countries around the world, but in Serbia last year it celebrated its anniversary, since it was applied in equal ten consecutive parliamentary election cycles.
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This book comprises essays on political transition in Serbia, written in the 1997 – 2006 period. Twenty-four works are devoted to sociological and politicological-legal aspects of the great changes in the now already considerably differentiated world of post-communism. Particular attention is focused on the problems of an overdue and deformed transition in Serbia, meaning that in the centre of the analysis there are complex interactions of culture and institutional structure in a society that has not yet emerged from the grip of a deep crisis of the change and has not resolved still numerous dilemmas in the confrontation with the many “shocks of the reality”. This relationship may actually be taken as the “red thread” of the topically various reflections of political controversies and theoretic-ideological dilemmas concerning the aims, contents, pace and means of building a modern state and nation, as well as of consolidation of democracy in a heterogeneous (multicultural, pluralist) social setting of Vojvodina and Serbia as a whole. All this has, therefore, caused the essays, the majority of which have so far been published in thematic anthologies and periodicals, to be grouped in this book in five topical wholes.
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U Srbiji je sve više gradova i opština, koja predstavljaju kvalitetna mesta za život, privređivanje i investiranje. U ovim lokalnim samoupravama se uprkos ekonomskoj krizi pronalaze alternativni izvori sredstava za dalja ulaganja u infrastrukturu, nezaposlenost je manja od republičkog proseka, vodi se računa o zaštiti životne sredine i potrebama najugroženijih grupa građana, međunacionalni odnosi su dobri a udeo žena u ukupnom broju zaposlenih visok. Recept za uspeh je pametno kombinovanje finansijskih, tehničkih i ljudskih resursa razvojnih banaka i programa (EBRD, EIB, KfW, SIDA, USAID, Evropska komisija), specijalizovanih agencija za podršku stranim ulaganjima kao što su SIEPA ili Fond za podršku investicijama u Vojvodini (VIP) i partnerskih organizacija koje povezuju privredu, lokalnu samoupravu i nevladin sektor (brojne specijalizovane nevladine organizacije u oblastima zaštite životne sredine, demokratizacije i jačanja građanskog učešća). U strateškim osmišljavanjima razvojnih planova za period do 2015. godine pa i dalje svi gradovi i opštine u Srbiji moraju da uzmu u obzir brojne faktore, koji razvojne težnje mogu da podstaknu, ali i uspore ili sasvim onemoguće. Prema prilično pesimističnim makroekonomskim predviđanjima, i nakon što je najozbiljniji talas finansijske krize prošao, Srbija će veoma teško uspeti da dostigne natprosečni priliv kapitala iz rekordnih godina pre krize. Lokalne samouprave u Srbiji su itekako postale svesne da će u zaoštrenoj konkurenciji investitori postati još izbirljiviji te da će samo opštine sa stabilnim političkim institucijama, najkonkurentnijom radnom snagom, najnižim lokalnim taksama i naknadama, najvišim standardima poslovanja, najjednostavnijim procedurama dobijanja dozvola i saglasnosti za početak poslovanja, najopremljenijim investicionim lokacijama i najpovoljnijim paketom dodatnih finansijskih podsticaja moći da ravnopravno uđu u ovu trku. U tom smislu, gradovi i opštine se već uveliko porede sa susednim opštinama, prate primere dobre prakse u regionu, učestvuju na međunarodnim privrednim sajmovima i osluškuju potrebe lokalnih privrednika i investitora.
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