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Analysis of results of a poll conducted among National Assembly deputies, state officials and civil society activists about the state of affairs in the security sector in Serbia and further reform steps that need to be taken and CEAS recommendations for continued reform of the security sector in Serbia, formulated on the basis of the poll and other research-analytical activities in this area.
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Studija U korak sa privatnim sektorom bezbednosti – II, deo je nastavka projekta „Regulisan privatni sektor bezbednosti – bezbedniji život građana“ koji Centar za evroatlantske studije iz Beograda (CEAS) sproveo uz podršku ambasade Kraljevine Norveške u Beogradu.Cilj ovog projekta, koji je realizovan u saradnji sa Udruženjem za privatno obezbeđenje Privredne komore Srbije, je vršenje javnog pritiska na predstavnike vlasti da razmatranje stanja u ovoj važnoj i velikoj privredno-bezbednosnoj oblasti, kao i njeno pravno regulisanje, uvrste među svoje prioritete, svim raspoloživim metodama javnog zagovaranja i to: kroz objavljivanje istraživanja; organizaciju javnih debata; razgovore sa predstavnicima predlagača zakona i regulativa; razgovore sa narodnim poslanicima; konsultacije sa ekspertima; konsultacije sa predstavnicima strukovnih udruženja; konsultacije sa predstavnicima civilnog društva i putem medijskih nastupa.Studija U korak sa privatnim sektorom bezbednosti – II sadrži dve analize: Obuka i licenciranje u privatnom obezbeđenju i Nespojive delatnosti pripadnika MUPa sa poslovima privatnog obezbeđenja. Prva se fokusira pre svega na proces i pravna rešenja koja uređuju obuku i licenciranje u privatnom obezbeđenju, ali i na sve do sada usvojene podzakonske akte i daje pregled zaključaka i preporuka. Druga analiza bavi se pitanjem nespojivih delatnosti policijskih službenika u odnosu na delatnost privatnog obezbeđenja. Analizira normativni okvir u kom je ovo pitanje uređeno, daje pregled zaključaka i preporuka.
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Centar za evroatlantske studije iz Beograda (CEAS) objavio je danas svoj novi izveštaj “U korak sa privatnim sektorom bezbednosti”, koji je završni deo projekta “Regulisan privatni sektor bezbednosti – bezbedniji zivot građana“, realizovan uz podršku ambasade Kraljevine Norveške u Srbiji.Jedan od ciljeva spomenutog projekta bio je da se javnim zagovaranjem utiče na predstavnike vlasti da detaljno razmotre postojeće stanje u ovoj oblasti i njeno pravno regulisanje stave među svoje prioritete.
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This paper analyses the concept and contextual framework of the European Danube Strategy (EDS) with respect to the role of civil society within the strategy. The development of the EDS is a work in progress. A great part of the documents are to be found online, in unpublished papers presented at conferences and/or meetings or are to be regarded at least as “grey literature”. On the background of the mental mapping dominant in the Danube region with its multiple barriers, rifts and breaks, the capacity for the inclusion of civil society is conceded in the planned strategy by the EU commission. Here, all bodies, the commission, member states and non member states taking part in the Danube strategy are analyzed. Our research reveals that almost all public stakeholders (member states, non member states, the commission) call in one way or the other for an inclusive approach to civil society. However, none of the public actors provide a clear concept, structure, or call to designate recourses to include civil society.
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In the 1990s, every historical turning point led to the creation of regional organisations in South Eastern Europe. The end of the Cold War brought the Central European Initiative (CEI), an Italian-Austrian initiative with a secretariat in Triest (1989) and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), a Turkish initiative with a secretariat in Istanbul. Following the Bosnian War, the European Council initiated the Royaumont Process (1995), soon sponsored mainly by Greece, while a US-led initiative led to the formation of the South East European Cooperative Initiative (SECI), based in Vienna (1996). In 1988, the first regional summit of Foreign Ministers of South Eastern Europe (SFMSEE) was held in Belgrade, to be followed by a summit in Tirana (1990). This tradition was revived after the Bosnian War in 1996. The Kosovo crisis led to the establishment of the Stability Pact Coordinator’s Office, in many ways only the latest, most spectacularly launched, and most ambitious regional initiative.
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ESI is proposing in this paper that the potential candidates in the Western Balkans should be given the chance to progress towards EU membership on an equal footing with previous candidates. Serbia-Montenegro and Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania should be given at least the same kind of support in 2007 as Bulgaria and Romania were given in 1997. If member-state building were to begin in 2007, it may be possible for countries of the region to achieve EU membership by 2014, in accordance with the ambitious agenda set out by the International Commission for the Balkans.The draft IPA regulation should therefore be changed to make pre-accession assistance available to both official and potential candidates. The trigger should be the signing of Stabilization and Association Agreements (expected in 2006), rather than formal candidate status. This would not increase the volume of assistance in the short term, as each country would require time to put in place the structures needed to benefit from this assistance. However, it is critical that they begin the process of member-state building immediately.
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There has always been a risk that Albanian parliamentary elections on 23 June 2013 will fall short of international standards. This would likely precipitate a major political crisis in Albania. Another result would be the loss of any credible prospect of progress towards European integration in the foreseeable future and a spiral of political, social and economic decline in Albania. || To counter this risk, ESI argues that the international community must take a strong and uncompromising stand on the democratic principles that must be observed. It must take a non-partisan approach of strong support to the rule of law. || As Albania prepares for parliamentary elections on 23 June 2013, this paper draws attention to recent violations of democratic principles in Albania. These provide the international community, and in particular the European Union, with an opportunity to make a point of principle at a crucial moment in what is set to be a very tight and heated electoral contest.
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The aim of the article is to reconstruct the theoretical foundations of the local government, reestablished in 1990, taking into account the state and political theories, whose standards have been established with regard to the local government during the interwar period, as well as the concept of the civil society, built upon the foundation of the civil movements of the 1980s that aimed at democratizing the authoritarian regimes of Central and Eastern Europe. The idea of the civil society, which reemerged after two centuries, not only inspired a nation-wide political protest movement and democratic modernization of the state, but also became one of the cornerstones of the conception of the local government, as cooperation with the local organizations, considered to be the most important agents of the third sector, has been inscribed directly into the local government statutes.
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This paper examines the last election from a general perspective highlighting the development of a democratic system on one hand, and the political party system on the other. Firstly, it gives a general background on Kosovo’s organization of elections and the political system, coupled by a brief overview of prominent challenges that this system faces. Secondly, the paper moves to discuss the overall progress of the elections, including legal problems, information dissemination to citizens, issues with the administration of election results, and other aspects. Both these aims are pursued through following the principles of independent research and respect for the rules of public policy writing.
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Concrete political activity is underway in the preparation and implementation of the election of delegations and delegates for the assemblies of socio-political communities. Draft drafts have already been prepared: »Staffing Principles and Some Basic Criteria for Candidacy in the 1974 Elections« February this year at the joint sessions of the bearers of this activity SSRN and the Federation of Trade Unions of BiH. On the basis of these documents, an operational program of tasks of youth organizations in the implementation of the camp was made.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has led to worldwide lockdowns and social distancing measures. Speculations about prehistoric human development, when cave-man and cave-women survived and advanced in seclusion serve as an analogy for today’s lockdowns in order to derive inference about a potential future of humankind after the pandemic. Researchers at the University of Vienna study the group dynamics and socio-psychological impact of crises as a driver of human advancement. As these researchers outline, in the history of humankind, seclusion in caves held enormous potential for societal development, which may also apply today in regards to the COVID-19 pandemic. During periods when natural disasters made exterior living conditions dangerous, human hiding themselves in caves developed so-called “cave competencies.” These key advancements grew when people had to seclude themselves from society – e.g., during natural disasters, volcanic eruptions, but also during pandemics, such as the great plague of the 14th century. Starting out in analyzing the currently-ongoing work on cave competencies, this article then embarks on highlighting potentially constructive effects of the COVID-19 crisis, following M. Davis Cross’ crisis transition to a new Renaissance. The individual decision-making during crises is captured in its potential to extracting a particular common welfare enhancement in cooperative behavior. Altruism and reciprocity based on trust are outlined as important steps towards cooperation. An archetype of the renewed ethos is formed on the basis of a community of interest and is supported by the coordination of long-term cooperation and the particular interests of the participants in dialogue maintenance, as well as their fine attunement to empathic communication. Differing motivations, communication network frictions and free rider problems are discussed as potential obstacles of strengthening the social glue during a pandemic. Group psychology of collective coping strategies as well as the long-term coordination of intergenerational cooperation are outlined with particular attention to the digital world the pandemic has fortified.
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Environmentalizmus sa v očiach širokej verejnosti spája skôr s ľavicovou politickou orientáciou. Nemecký nacizmus nám síce ukázal jeho krajne pravicovú polohu, že sa ale zelenou farbou dokážu zatrieť xenofóbne názory aj dnes, mnohých pravdepodobne prekvapí. Takéto praktiky pritom nachádzame v rôznych kontextoch a krajinách.
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České environmentální hnutí se dvacet pět let od Sametové revoluce zamýšlí nad svými polistopadovými úspěchy a nezdary. Takové bilancování je dobrou příležitostí k úvahám, jaké strategie se během těch let osvědčily, v čem se poučit z vlastních chyb a kam se vydat dál.
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Citizens' satisfaction can be determined by political culture as well as by gender, age, and other demographic characteristics. The aim of the paper is the theoretical elaboration of the solved issue at the level of local selfgovernment. The paper is focused on the importance of ghosting in self-government as well as its verification through research. On the basis of 83 respondents, we tried to verify statistically significant gender differences in factors of citizens' satisfaction and ghosting at the level of towns and villages. The five-item questionnaire assessed citizens' experiences with ghosting in filing and resolving applications at the city and municipal level. The relatively high percentage of the exploratory sample has experience with ghosting in the form of non-response to the request or ignorance by the authorities. The results showed links between citizen satisfaction and ghosting experience. Ghosting between citizens and local government offices is multifactorial and can be caused by timeconsuming offices, conflicts between the citizen and the office, and more.
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This paper deals with the influence of a major economic entity on the development of a municipality / region in which it operates. Specifically, it is a case study of a female prison in Světlá nad Sázavou, which is a specific example because it also contains a security issue. The aim of the paper is, firstly, to identify the influences of the prison on the municipality / region and, secondly, to evaluate the attitudes of the population of the municipality towards the prison. To meet the first aim, an analysis of publicly available information on the prison was used and a semi-structured interview with a prison management was done, in the case of the second aim, a questionnaire survey was conducted among the locals older than 15 years. The prison is the second most important employer in the municipality, the source of a relatively cheap labour force for local businesses. Locals also appreciate the use of the former school in nature, more than 90% of the municipality's population feel safe. Only less than a fifth of the population rate the prison's presence negatively. In general, the attitude of the population can be described as neutral positive.
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Religion, as a universal phenomenon, is deeply rooted in cultural practices. Consequently, religious leaders and adherents use cultural arts like music to express religious thoughts in missions and related purposes. While most religious musicians leverage African cultural art to promote religious thoughts, secular singers like Fela Anikulapo use it as rebel art to challenge anomie in the political and religious spaces while shaping public opinion at the same time. This article, with the intent to focus more on the religious perspective, looks at some of Fela’s most popular political afrobeat renditions which placed a lens of criticism on the association of Nigerian politicians and religious leaders. In his songs titled International thief-thief, Authority stealing, Government of crooks, Who are you, Na fight o and Shuffering and shmiling, Fela challenged the alliances of religious and political leaders with colonial powers of his time and accused them of acquisitive venality through exploitations, money laundering and the abuse of religious titles among other issues. Although Fela is deceased, this article delineated the relevance of his political renditions in the current African religious ecosystems and emphasised the need to sustain the awakening created by Fela in the struggle to promote an egalitarian Africa.
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Czechoslovakia was part of the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War. Since 1948, the country has been ruled by a monopoly Communist Party that controlled all aspects of daily life. The ruling party enforced the official culture, the official political and social discourse. Opponents were punished by the communist regime. During the 1980s, more and more opposition groups began to circulate in Czechoslovakia and many young people began to speak out against the ruling communist regime and its power. But the situation in Czechoslovakia did not develop as quickly as in Poland or Hungary, for example. This paper focuses on the perspective of the micro-region. It presents the life stories of dissidents and young people who opposed the communist regime in the locality of a village or small town. Two examples of happening resistance are also presented in the text. The historical stories are reconstructed primarily because of recorded oral history interviews with the actors of the events, but also because of archival research.
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