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Izbor - Kosmet, 2008 / 07/ 18

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

VELIKE VESTI I KONKRETNI PROBLEMI (Zëri - Priština) SAD I KOSOVO (Zëri - Priština) KAKOFONIJA EVROPSKIH STAVOVA PREMA SRBIJI (55 - Tirana) ŠVEDSKA PROTIV USPOSTAVLJANJA EULEX-a NA SEVERU KOSOVA (Zëri - Priština) NOVI SRPSKI USTANAK (Express - Prština) IDEJE O PODELI KOSOVA (Zëri - Priština) ZAR SMO MALO USTUPAKA NAPRAVILI ZBOG KOSOVA? (Lajm - Priština) OPASAN ZADATAK (Zëri - Priština) PRAVA ALBANIJA-POLOVINA STARE ALBANIJE I DVE POSEBNE DRŽAVE (55 - Tirana) CIVILNO DRUŠTVO PREUZIMA BAJRAK LOBIRANJA (Koha ditore - Priština) LOBIRANJE U AMANU (Koha ditore - Priština) ŠTA NASTOJI DA POSTIGNE ZANIJER (Zëri - Priština) MOGUĆNOST, UTICAJ ILI KORIST? (Infopress - Priština) ISPRAZNA PROEVROPSKA POLITIKA ZVANIČNOG BEOGRADA (Zëri - Priština) SRPSKA VLADA - MALO RAZLOGA ZA OPTIMIZAM (Kosova sot - Priština) NEPROMENJENO LICE BEOGRADA (55 - Tirana) NEIZBEŽAN SUKOB BEOGRADA SA SRBIMA NA SEVERU KOSOVA? (Zëri - Priština) ODUGOVLAČENJE KRIZE: PLAN VLADE SRBIJE ZA KOSOVO (Koha ditore - Priština) TADIĆ TEŽI PODELI KOSOVA U NAREDNIH PAR GODINA (Zëri - Priština) GLOSEROVA IDEJA (Kosova sot - Priština) RAZVOD (Infopress - Priština) GDE OSTAVLJAMO I GDE USPOSTAVLJAMO USTAV ...? (Koha ditore - Priština) SUVODOLSKI ZLOSREĆNI VODOVOD (Kosova sot - Priština)

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Problems of Not-For-Profit Organizations /NFPO/ in Bulgaria - Focus-group information analysis, June 1997

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The present survey has been conducted by Vitosha Research as part of the long-term commitment of the Center for the Study of Democracy to the problems of the Third Sector and the active promotion of its firm establishment and further development in Bulgaria. It is an element of the research project entitled Creating a Favorable Fiscal Environment for NFPOs and has been carried out by the Vitosha Research team. The survey was carried out by the focus-group discussion method. There were a total of four discussions: three in Sofia and one in Plovdiv. The discussions took place in the period 12-15 May 1997. There were a total of 31 respondents.

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Елитът и промените в България. Анализ на резултатите от социологическо изследване

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The analysis of the attitude of the elite towards the non-profit organizations is based on a national sociological survey carried out in early 1997 by Vitosha Research. The survey sample includes 421 representatives of the elite. The survey method is a standardized personal interview.

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Локални инициативи в периода 1999 - 2000

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The report Local Initiatives in the Period 1999-2000, discussed at the Policy Forum of Coalition 2000 in December 1999, is dedicated to the public-private partnership on local level. The common interests of civil society and local government allow expanding the scope of the cooperation initiated in the pilot stage of the local projects. The main idea of the report is that one precondition for successful advancement in this direction is fostering a climate of dialogue and trust between the two sectors.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №05: "Otpor", in or beyond politics

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): English

The popular movement Otpor (Resistance) is a phenomenon which has left its mark on Serbia’s political stage at the very end of the last decade of the 20th century. Having been established in 1998, it attracted media attention, launched various actions and, especially, grew in numbers and organized structurally at the height of a police crackdown against its members in the spring of 2000. Otpor has played a major part in persuading the ‘silent majority’ to go to the September 2000 polls in order to bring forward the end the neo-socialist regime. Although the full significance of the part played by Otpor can only be assessed on the basis of comprehensive and reliable information about the events and activities leading to the September 24 election results which greatly facilitated the October 5 overthrow, such data as were available fully justify the assessment given above. This study is the result of an empirical questionnaire-type survey carried out in the latter part of October 2000. Irrespective of whether Otpor as such will continue to grow and operate – for the situation has changed radically since its formative days – its organization and the attitudes and frame of mind of its members are a topic which it not without interest. At present, Otpor is highly popular among the general public and is often seen as possessing charismatic attributes. However, it has been pointed out that unreserved praise is sometimes a sign that the recipient is about to perform his swan-song; undivided flattery as a rule is counterproductive in the case of those social actors, especially large political organizations, who are perceived as serious obstacles to groups already controlling large resources of society or at least those who aspire to increase their control of such resources. The absence of any public criticism of Otpor so far may mean that it is regarded as someone who has played his role and is now expected to exit the stage as a relative autonomous political factor; this, of course, does not mean that certain factions and individual members of Otpor may not be recruited by some political parties and other interested organizations. After all, Otpor is still needed as a reserve echelon until the December republican elections in Serbia to throw its weight behind certain political goals such as loosening the grip of the defeated extreme left- and right-wing groupings on these resources, or at least to help the so-called democratic opposition to remain together as the challenge of its political adversaries weakens. However, generally speaking, the absence of any principled opposition to Otpor leads us to the conclusion that its effective influence is less and less; we must bear in mind that the extent of criticism levelled against somebody is a most reliable indicator of his influence on public life. Needless to say, all foretelling is risky; we have all been surprised by events we considered the least likely of a number of possibilities at the time of their prediction. At least we hope that the material presented here will give a true picture of the organization because we believe that it was collected during a period coinciding with the organization’s developed stage.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №05: "Otpor" - više ili manje od politike

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

The popular movement Otpor (Resistance) is a phenomenon which has left its mark on Serbia’s political stage at the very end of the last decade of the 20th century. Having been established in 1998, it attracted media attention, launched various actions and, especially, grew in numbers and organized structurally at the height of a police crackdown against its members in the spring of 2000. Otpor has played a major part in persuading the ‘silent majority’ to go to the September 2000 polls in order to bring forward the end the neo-socialist regime. Although the full significance of the part played by Otpor can only be assessed on the basis of comprehensive and reliable information about the events and activities leading to the September 24 election results which greatly facilitated the October 5 overthrow, such data as were available fully justify the assessment given above. This study is the result of an empirical questionnaire-type survey carried out in the latter part of October 2000. Irrespective of whether Otpor as such will continue to grow and operate – for the situation has changed radically since its formative days – its organization and the attitudes and frame of mind of its members are a topic which it not without interest. At present, Otpor is highly popular among the general public and is often seen as possessing charismatic attributes. However, it has been pointed out that unreserved praise is sometimes a sign that the recipient is about to perform his swan-song; undivided flattery as a rule is counterproductive in the case of those social actors, especially large political organizations, who are perceived as serious obstacles to groups already controlling large resources of society or at least those who aspire to increase their control of such resources. The absence of any public criticism of Otpor so far may mean that it is regarded as someone who has played his role and is now expected to exit the stage as a relative autonomous political factor; this, of course, does not mean that certain factions and individual members of Otpor may not be recruited by some political parties and other interested organizations. After all, Otpor is still needed as a reserve echelon until the December republican elections in Serbia to throw its weight behind certain political goals such as loosening the grip of the defeated extreme left- and right-wing groupings on these resources, or at least to help the so-called democratic opposition to remain together as the challenge of its political adversaries weakens. However, generally speaking, the absence of any principled opposition to Otpor leads us to the conclusion that its effective influence is less and less; we must bear in mind that the extent of criticism levelled against somebody is a most reliable indicator of his influence on public life. Needless to say, all foretelling is risky; we have all been surprised by events we considered the least likely of a number of possibilities at the time of their prediction. At least we hope that the material presented here will give a true picture of the organization because we believe that it was collected during a period coinciding with the organization’s developed stage.

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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №08: Manjine i izbeglice u vojvodini

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Presence of over half a million refugees and displaced persons in Serbia is a palpable and live criticism of our recent national program and its implementation. Their fate demonstrates that the nation is not homogenous, that there are no common national interests, but rather different goals with different price tags. It bears stressing that the price paid by the aforementioned population groups was the highest one. Conduct and fate of refugees and their choices, if any, in a drastic way indicate disastrous failure of the idea of annexation of so-called Western Serb countries to the ethnic Serb state. In those terms they are the most convincing critique of domestic nationalism, for they indicate consequences thereof better than any other population groups. If one is to believe different facts and figures, more than three fourth of refugees and displaced persons until recently wanted to stay in Yugoslavia, and only one fifth expressed their wish to return to their homes. Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia through its continuing project "I want to go home" helped a sustained return of a large number of refugees, in the face of inertia and political obstacles in several involved countries. Moreover the NGO through this survey tried to look into ways of future return of refugees and displaced persons from Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo.

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Проблеми на организациите с нестопанска цел (ОНЦ) в България - юни 1997 г.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present survey has been conducted as part of the long-term commitment of the Center for the Study of Democracy to the problems of the Third Sector and the active promotion of its firm establishment and further development in Bulgaria. It is an element of the research project entitled Creating a Favorable Fiscal Environment for NFPOs and has been carried out by the Vitosha Research team. The discussions held have outlined a complex and multifaceted picture of the state of the third sector in Bulgaria, of its social environment and the attitude towards the activity of not-for-profit organizations. Participants shared a broad range of opinions and suggestions concerning the functioning of not-for-profit organizations.

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Проблеми на организациите с нестопанска цел в България, юни 1997

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present survey has been conducted by Vitosha Research as part of the long-term commitment of the Center for the Study of Democracy to the problems of the Third Sector and the active promotion of its firm establishment and further development in Bulgaria. It is an element of the research project entitled Creating a Favorable Fiscal Environment for NFPOs and has been carried out by the Vitosha Research team. The survey was carried out by the focus-group discussion method. There were a total of four discussions: three in Sofia and one in Plovdiv. The discussions took place in the period 12-15 May 1997. There were a total of 31 respondents.

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Ensuring the Stability of Central Asia after the 2014 Withdrawal from Afghanistan

Author(s): Nikita Odintsov / Language(s): English

The prospects of stability in Central Asia after the 2014 withdrawal will be influenced by the developments in Afghanistan. Yet the overall fragility of the states in the region necessitates taking preventive measures. The previous strategies of the terrorist groups in the region allow us to identify a few focal points of strategic importance which must be protected. To achieve this, it is necessary to use private military companies and return Russian border guards to Tajikistan. Also, the Collective Security Treaty Organization must prepare for possible massive security and refugee crises. The implementation of state social policies can be outsourced to NGOs, which shall refrain from any political activity.

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Security and energy sectors’ cooperation with the civil society in Macedonia – friends or foes?

Author(s): Ana Stojilovska,Magdalena Lembovska / Language(s): English

The cooperation between civil society and state institutions is an important segment of the reforms the candidate countries have to undertake in order to comply with the EU accession criteria. Moreover, it is one of the crucial corrective roles civil society plays in democracies. The Republic of Macedonia, a candidate country for EU membership since 2005, has undertaken a number of reforms to improve its dialogue and cooperation with civil society. In this line, the Government created a Strategy for cooperation of the Government with the civil society in 2007, succeeded by a new Strategy in 2012. However, experience shows that the implementation varies from ministry to ministry. Having in mind the capital-intensive profile of the energy sector and the legacy of the previous system applying to the security sector, both sectors do not have a tradition of transparency and openness. They also play an essential role in the country’s national security. All of that is considered to be a justification for decisions to take place behind closed doors. Therefore, these sectors prove not to engage themselves actively into cooperation with civil society.

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EU Approximation in Macedonia: Progress in Science and Research and Information Society

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The purpose of this report is to critically examine and evaluate the progress Macedonia makes in EU approximation. Considering EU approximation is a rather extensive process, this report is focused on two related areas of approximation: Science and Research (S&R) and Information Society (IS), two of the acquis chapters. Bearing in mind the double reason for approximation in research and information society, this report investigates the progress Macedonia achieved in adopting and approximating its policies and legislation to EU standards in these areas. To this end, this report maps the progress achieved with adopting the Acquis and implementing European Commission recommendations in areas Science & Research and Information Society. Building on the research conducted, the report investigates the level and pace of approximation efforts of the Macedonian government, identifies some problematic areas and suggests some improvements, without claiming to offer an action plan or strategy for better EU approximation in the two chosen areas. The findings are based on analysis of Macedonian legislation, reports and analyses of the EU as well as elite interviews with members of relevant government institutions in Macedonia in the period between June and August 2007.

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Social Policy in Macedonia: Progress with EU Approximation

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Social issues are closely linked to economic performance and governance quality in one society. And while in transition countries social problems rarely receive the attention that economic ones do, the European Union through the Lisbon Agenda clearly linked economic growth with social issues. Social dialogue, social inclusion and several other concepts which entered the vocabulary of policy-makers are product of EU developments in social policy. Macedonian aspirations to join the EU place an obligation to follow EU trends in social policy, social policy is part of negotiating Chapter 19, and adjust to EU legislative and operational standards in this area. EU requirements are good ‘excuse’ to look into the social sphere of Macedonian society, on which two decades of political and economic transition left deep marks. This brief looks and evaluates the current status quo in Macedonian social sphere and notes the progress that Macedonia made in reforming its social policy according to EU standards. Noting the recent outburst of media stories about socially disadvantaged and vulnerable groups suffering exclusion and crime, this is also an effort to incite public debate on the state of social policy in Macedonia and encourage further efforts for improving the social services to citizens.

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Lessons Learned on Effective Public Administration in Macedonia

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

For many countries in the world improving Public Administration System (PAS) has been on top of their agenda. Improving effectiveness of the public service has been seen as clear indicator for increasing the capacity for economic development as well as increasing the capacity for providing better service to all citizens. The way that the effectiveness is measured is through the commitment and quality of public services offered to the citizens. The citizens of Macedonia view the PAS as failure to meet and create efficient living standards for its citizens; these living standards are the basic economic and social welfare needs. The main reason is that Macedonia is lacking capacity to provide the PA system with functional policies. Moreover, a problem tends to occur in the implementation of these policies. Correspondingly, the 2008 Euro Barometer report on Macedonia contains a survey about the trust of Macedonian citizens towards national and EU institutions. Compared to national institutions, the citizens’ trust towards EU institutions is evidently higher.

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Education Outcomes from Migration and Remittances in Albania and Macedonia

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This study looks at the impact of migration and remittances on the educational outcomes of the children left behind. The paper analyses this impact by examining the cases of Albania and Macedonia, countries that have experienced substantial outward migration. The paper tests the hypothesis of whether migration and remittances have a positive effect on the children's education. To test this hypothesis and the mechanism by which migration and remittances affect children’s schooling, empirical specifications were used, including a fixed effect model and an ordered probit model, which analysed the effect of parental remittances and migration experience on the educational level of children generally and for girls’ and boys’ education levels separately. The study uses the most recent empirical surveys conducted in Albania and Macedonia that gathered information on the socio-demographic characteristics of children, migration by household members, household income and expenditures, as well as remittances and their allocation to household consumption. The paper shows that parental experiences of migration have an important effect on the educational attainment of children in both Albania and Macedonia, whereas remittances only have a significant effect on the education status of children in Albania. The results of this study demonstrate that, in the case of Albania, having a migrant parent and remittances more positively affect the education of girls than of boys. This difference in the case of Macedonia is insignificant. The main message for policy makers is that providing a more gender balanced education supply would reduce gender inequalities in terms of years of schooling and educational attainment.

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Getting to know each other: the EU and civil society in Central Asia

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Aigerim Duimagambetova,Bauke Snoep,Adil Nurmakov,Jiří Kopal,Nafisa Hasanova / Language(s): English

Forging links between European civil society organisations and their counterparts in Central Asia is no easy task. Delivering on EU financial support to NGOs and other civil groupings would appear to be even more of a challenge. The EU tries to achieve a lot in terms of assistance but it risks spreading limited resources too thinly, which could limit impact on all fronts. Assistance consists of a variety of instruments, mechanisms and support programmes, such as the Food Security Programme; ‘Central Asia invest’; democracy promotion through the European Initiative for Democracy and Human rights and direct budget support in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Choices need to be made about where the EU should place its money. Not easy, since all subjects and programmes seem worthy at first sight. What about support for civil society?

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New EU Strategy for Central Asia: First reactions

Author(s): Jos Boonstra,Fabienne Bossuyt,Nargis Kassenova,Marlène Laruelle,Tika Tsertsvadze / Language(s): English

I always have a ‘to-do list’ at work. And, alike most people, before I complete one task, I already have a few others to add. So in order to prioritise, my list is actually three lists: one with bullet points with what needs to be done this week (make phone calls, answer emails); one with those items that have a deadline down the road (project report, call for proposals); and a sort of wish-list with those things I would like to do when and if time allows (develop a new idea). The new EU strategy for Central Asia, adopted by the EU Council on 17 June, reads a bit like this. It includes things that the EU will do (‘the EU will strengthen cooperation on vocational education and training’); things to continue to address over the coming years (‘the EU will continue to promote respect for human rights’); and matters to devote attention to in due course (‘the EU will aim to encourage more sustainable and inclusive growth models in the region’). In sum, rather than a strategy, it is an approach or more simply, a ‘to-do list’.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 180, god. XII, Beograd, utorak, 21. februar 2017.

Author(s): Stanislava Vujnović,Aleksandar Pavlović,Marija Dragnić,Gezim Krasnić / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Stanislava Vujnović: Desničini susreti; ARMATURA, Gezim Krasnići: Istraživanje bez granica; CEMENT, Aleksandar Pavlović: Zašto kažeš Ana a ne misliš na Malkolma?; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Marija Dragnić: Trka sa preponama; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Kirka

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 181, god. XII, Beograd, utorak, 21. mart 2017.

Author(s): Vladimir Đurišić,Đorđe Krajišnik,Aleksandar M. Novaković,Almir Kolar Kijevski / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Vladimir Đurišić: Poezija i obmana; CEMENT, Đorđe Krajišnik: Dobrovoljna podređenost; ŠTRAFTA, Aleksandar Novaković: Jezivo i intimno; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Almir Kolar Kijevski: Zapis o službi; BLOK BR. V, Studiostrip: Fossil&Swatch

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Od pijanca i plota do devete rupe

Author(s): Vojin Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian

Rušenje Berlinskog zida u noći između 9. i 10. novembra 1989. simbolički je značilo početak kraja “realnog socijalizma” kao političkog sistema i “socijalističkog lagera” u vidu disciplinovane grupe država predvođene SSSR-om. Na žalost, za većinu stanovnika Jugoslavije bio je to takoreći periferan događaj: pažnju su zaokupljali velika politička kriza u federaciji i opasni predznaci međunacionalnih sukoba. Prvi višestranački izbori održani su tek naredne godine i na njima je obuzetost nacionalnom emancipacijom zasenila pitanja demokratije i ljudskih prava.

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