Prizivanje građanskog društva

Author(s): Charles Taylor / Language(s): Serbian

I am very pleased that this collection of my papers, edited by Obrad Savic, is appearing in Belgrade. Work of this kind positively calls out for translation and publication in a new context. I hope that the fact that I come at familiar questions from an unfamiliar angle might be helpful to some readers. And even more, I hope that the reactions to and criticisms of this highly partial work will eventually help me to think about these matters more effectively. I think of this publication as one move in an ongoing exchange, which I hope we will one day be able to continue through meetings and other publications. I am of course aware of the difficult times and struggles which Serbian society is now going through, and I know that the experience of those who are working there for democracy and human rights, however dismaying to them, will have something to say to all of us. (Charles Taylor, Introduction)

Addressing the Threat of Fraud and Corruption in Public Procurement: Review of State of the Art Approaches

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The present compendium of selected best practices addresses the threat of fraud and corruption from multiple perspectives, with the underlying purpose of providing practitioners from Romania and Greece with a set of state of the art approaches for addressing the threat of fraud and corruption in the complex multi-layered national public procurement systems. This publication is based on ideas presented at the international seminar EU's Financial Interests under Threat: New Approaches in Assessing the Risks from Public Procurement and EU Funds Fraud, organised on 31 October – 1 November 2013 in Sofia, with the support of the European AntiFraud Office (OLAF).

The Kremlin Playbook: Understanding Russian Influence in Central and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Heather A. Conley,Ruslan Stefanov,Martin Vladimirov,James Mina / Language(s): English

There was a deeply held assumption that, when the countries of Central and Eastern Europe joined NATO and the European Union in 2004, these countries would continue their positive democratic and economic transformation. Yet more than a decade later, the region has experienced a steady decline in democratic standards and governance practices at the same time that Russia’s economic engagement with the region expanded significantly. Regional political movements and figures have increasingly sought to align themselves with the Kremlin and with illiberalism. Central European governments have adopted ambiguous—if not outright pro-Russian—policy stances that have raised questions about their transatlantic orientation and produced tensions within Western institutions. The Center for the Study of Democracy, in partnership with the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), recently concluded a 16-month study to understand the nature of Russian influence in five case countries: Hungary, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Latvia, and Serbia. This research determined the extent of the Russian economic footprint in the domestic economy, which has ranged between 11% and 22% on average from 2004 to 2014. The report also presented evidence of how Russia has leveraged its economic presence to cultivate an opaque web of economic and political patronage across the region that the Kremlin uses to influence and direct decisionmaking. This web resembles a network-flow model—or “unvirtuous circle”—which the Kremlin can use to influence (if not control) critical state institutions, bodies, and economies, as well as shape national policies and decisions that serve its interests while actively discrediting the Western liberal democratic system. To exploit the governance loopholes, Russia’s strategy has been to capture powerful local brokers through providing them with government sponsored business opportunities at premium returns infiltrating them in state-owned companies, national agencies including in the security sector. Another common way is to use former security officials with significant influence over parties, businesses and institutions to act as intermediaries boosting Moscow’s interests where necessary. The reverse has also been happening in the region when local powerful economic groups use their Russian links to secure capital and political backing to acquire assets and invest in large projects. Sometimes domestic interests have vied for and received the economic and political support from Russian companies or politicians to engage in rent seeking with the local government, exploiting lack of oversight and lack rule of law. In exchange for providing their brand name or capital, Russian companies have taken nominal share in lucrative domestic businesses, gained access to a strategic asset in telecommunications, finance and most often in energy.

Гражданското общество в България: от социално предприемачество до завладяване от държавата

Author(s): Todor Yalamov,Maria Doichinova,Lyubomir Kutin / Language(s): Bulgarian

This publication analyses the changes in the third sector during the 2010 – 2013 period and at the same time outlines the positive practices in the social entrepreneurship as well as the risks that reduce the chances for nongovernmental organisations to effectively impact the democracy and well-being of Bulgaria.

Космет – Гордијев чвор

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Serbian

Kišobran patrijarha Pavla. Kritika palanačkog uma

Author(s): Mirko Đorđević / Language(s): Serbian

Znamo da honorar od svojih knjiga ostavlja Crkvi, da je stari budilnik zaveštao unuku, ali ne znamo još kome je zaveštao svoj stari kišobran. Godinama smo ga viđali na ulicama sa tim starinskim kišobranom. Budilnik je njega budio za jutrenje, ali nije uspevao da probudi sabraću arhijereje. I sada na sahrani, ko sve nije bio pod kišobranom njegovim – i ko sve godinama pod njim stajao nije. Naravno, ne pod onim starim, već pod onim koji se podrazumeva za ono vlasti što je imao među sabraćom arhijerejima u Sinodu i Saboru. I tu je sva muka njegova, možda i udes njegove misije tokom dvadesetak godina na čelu SPC. Došla je sada da potraži utehu nad odrom i sama “kosovka đevojka” B. Plavšić, koja je sa ratovođama Karadžićem i Mladićem dobar deo Bosne zasejala grobovima. U mučnim godinama raspada države – sa zločinima koji su užasnuli svet – pokojni patrijarh se nije baš snalazio. Izgovarao je opomene, ne da nije, ali sabraća arhijereji, barem dobar deo među njima, nisu krili svoje ratne ciljeve. Ne, ne Isusu mira i pravde, već balkanskom bogu Marsu do crne zemlje su se klanjali. I druge su vodili, i sve nas, do ambisa iz kojeg još izašli nismo. I skoro nećemo.

Talog. Ogledi o prednostima slobode

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): English,Serbian

Pred vama su tekstovi koje je Vladimir Gligorov napisao za Peščanik, Blic, NIN, Helsinšku povelju, Ekonomist, Politiku, Danas, časopis Banka i Cord Magazine. Tekstovi su nastali između dva septembra, 2006. i 2010. godine. Na kraju knjige je izbor od devet eseja prevedenih na odličan British engleski, ljubaznošću The Bosnian Institute iz Londona i našeg prevodioca Ivice Pavlovića iz Novoga Sada. Naslov knjige je preuzet iz teksta Talog, napisanog u aprilu 2009, u kojem se analizira koliko rasizma i mržnje prema Albancima staje u jednu rečenicu Dobrice Ćosića.Ovo je knjiga sa poukom. Ona dokazuje da su ekonomija i politika povezane. Da društvo obilja naseljavaju slobodni ljudi. Najzabavniji deo su citati kojima autor počinje neke od tekstova. Tajno središte knjige je u eseju Identitet. Učite i uživajte: It is the thought, the smile, and the sound of the piano that matter.

Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944 - 1966

Author(s): Ewa Pogorzała / Language(s): Polish

Zasadniczym celem badania była próba opisu i ewolucji modelu polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w badanym okresie. W odniesieniu do koncepcji polityki oświatowej państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych podjęta została próba określenia i zastosowania autorskiej periodyzacji. Wyróżniono następujące etapy polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: od polityki akceptacji do polityki restrykcji (1944–1948), okres polityki unifikacji (1949–1955), okres polityki aktywizacji (1956–1960), okres polityki marginalizacji (1961–1966). Analiza zebranych danych źródłowych pozwoliła stwierdzić, że mniejszości narodowe stanowiły istotny problem w polityce oświatowej państwa polskiego w latach 1944–1966. W szczególności dotyczyło to mniejszości słowackiej, żydowskiej, niemieckiej, białoruskiej, litewskiej i ukraińskiej, czyli grup, które od przełomu lat 40. i 50. XX w. objęte zostały jednolitym modelem kształcenia, na wzór radziecki, w państwowych szkołach z niepolskim językiem nauczania. Centralnym punktem analizy uczyniono szkolnictwo dla mniejszości narodowych jako główny przedmiot polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości. W tym zakresie analizowano sytuację decyzyjną, tj. główne uwarunkowania i czynniki polityki oświatowej, treść decyzji i dyrektyw wykonawczych (założenia organizacyjne i wychowawczo-programowe szkolnictwa dla mniejszości), proces implementacji tych decyzji (polityka w zakresie sieci szkolnej) oraz jej efekty – w aspekcie ilościowym (struktura szkolnictwa) i jakościowym (stan szkolnictwa). W badaniach nad podjętą problematyką przyjęto rozumienie polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości jako działalność władz państwowych regulujących sytuację tych grup w dziedzinie oświaty poprzez akty normatywne i decyzje stanowiące uprawnionych organów. Należy przy tym wskazać na dwa przeciwstawne wymiary polityki oświatowej wobec mniejszości: restrykcyjny – negujący prawo tych grup do oświaty w języku ojczystym oraz kompensacyjny – afirmujący prawo do oświaty w języku ojczystym jako wartość autoteliczną lub tylko je akceptujący jako wartość instrumentalną dla osiągnięcia określonych celów politycznych. W pierwszej połowie lat 50. XX w. PZPR, zawłaszczając podmiotowość polityczną ogółu społeczeństwa, w tym mniejszości narodowych, zdecydowała o kształcie systemu oświaty. Głównym celem polityki oświatowej stała się indoktrynacja społeczeństwa. W tej sytuacji ojczysty język nauczania stanowił tylko środek do osiągnięcia tego celu, nie zaś do podtrzymania tożsamości narodowej członków tych grup.

Deliberation: The Path of Dismantling the #StateCapture in Macedonia. Policy Reflections on Macedonia 2016-2018

Author(s): Katerina Kolozova,Gordan Georgiev / Language(s): English

Срби и рат у Југославији 1941. године

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Croatian,Russian,German,Serbian

Почетак Другог светског рата у Југославији обележили су брзи војни слом, комадање југословенске територије и грађански рат који је отпочео на простору Србије. Све то било је последица како непријатељске агресије тако и бројних политичких, социјалних и економских противречности нагомиланих у међуратном раздобљу југословенске државе. Југославија је између два светска рата била земља великих социјалних разлике, привредне неинтегрисаности и културолошких различитости, што је, нарочито после Велике економске кризе, избацило на површину радикалне покрете и на левици и на десници који су у својим програмима нудили привлачна социјална мерила. Југословенска државна идеја, идеја националног јединства, у коју се посумњало убрзо по формирању заједничке државе, дефинитивно је званично напуштена стварањем Бановине Хрватске. Међутим, на плану међунационалних односа, стварање Бановине Хрватске не само да није смирило хрватско-српске супротности, нити задовољило национално-политичке тежње Хрвата и учврстило нестабилне државне темеље него је допринело јачању раздора, изазвало незадовољство Срба и подстакло потребу за преиспитивањем југословенске државне идеје. Стога је у овом периоду, из угла национално-политичких потреба српске нације, једно од најтежих питања националне политике чинила дилема за или против Југославије. [...]

Informační technologie – prostor pro ženy

Author(s): Alexandra Jachanová Doleželová,Kateřina Fialová,Leona Hozová,Jana Konečná,Markéta Kristová,Linda Sokačová,Marek Tichý,Anna Valouchová,Lenka Zemanová / Language(s): Czech

Vážené čtenářky, vážení čtenáři, v rukou právě držíte jednu z prvních publikací o informačních a komunikačních technologiích (ICT) a ženách v České republice, kterou pro Vás společně připravily Gender Studies, o.p.s. a Síť mateřských center. Najdete v ní informace o tom, co vlastně ICT jsou a proč jsou v současnosti skloňovány ve všech pádech. Představíme Vám také jejich využívání v praxi neziskových organizací i fi rem. ICT totiž velkou měrou přispívají ke slaďování osobního a pracovního života – právě ony umožňují pracovat z domova a přitom zůstat v úzkém kontaktu s kolegy a kolegyněmi v práci a předávat všechny potřebné informace a dokončené úkoly včas. Počítač a internet také otevřely nový prostor pro rozvoj podnikání. Určitě jste si již někdy vybrali a objednali zboží v internetovém obchodě. Je to levnější a pohodlné. Pohodlné může být i vaše podnikání po internetu – pracujete z domova a volíte si pracovní dobu podle vlastních potřeb. I na toto téma se zaměřuje jedna z kapitol publikace: navíc Vám přináší základní informace o evropských strukturálních fondech, odkud můžete získat fi nanční zdroje pro podnikání. Věřím, že Vás publikace zaujme a naleznete v ní nové pohledy na trh práce a podnikání v České republice.

Ljudska prava. Pravno-sistemski okvir

Author(s): Saša Gajin / Language(s): Serbian

Pravno-sistemski okvir poštovanja i zaštite ljudskih prava može se teorijski izgraditi na tri različita nivoa refleksije pravnih pravila o pravima i slobodama pojedinaca. Prvo, putem određivanja pravnog pojma ljudskih prava, moguće je pružiti jedinstven odgovor na pitanje o tome šta su to ljudska prava. Drugo, na temelju celovitog korpusa pravila o ljudskim pravima, moguće je teorijski odrediti sadržinu prava ljudskih prava. Treće, moguće je pokazati da su ljudska prava nužan sastavni i konstitutivni deo pravnog poretka i na taj način ih pravno utemeljiti. Pravni pojam ljudskih prava ne izvodi se neposredno iz teksta pravnog propisa. Međunarodni dokumenti, kao ni ustavni i zakonski tekstovi, ne sadrže odredbe koje definišu pojam ljudskih prava. Istina, nekad su u pojedinim odredbama ovih pravnih dokumenata sadržana rudimentarna upućivanja na ideju o suštini ljudskih prava, kao na primer kad se kaže da je čovek slobodan, da prava i slobode čoveka izviru iz njegovog dostojanstva, ili da se jemstvima prava i sloboda omogućava slobodan razvoj ličnosti čoveka i sl. [...]

Between Salvation and Terror: Radicalization and the Foreign Fighter Phenomenon in the Western Balkans

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The mobilisation of jihadist foreign fighters that has taken place as a result of the conflict in Syria and Iraq has been unprecedented. According to the United Nations, up to 40,000 foreigners from nearly 100 countries have participated in the war. Not all of them will remain part of the movement. Many, have already become disillusioned, turned against their comrades, and “retired“ from fighting. Others, however, will turn up in other conflicts, become involved in terrorist networks, or use their credibility as “veterans“ to recruit new followers. There can be no doubt that the consequences of this mobilisation will be profound and long-lasting. In one of my recent books, I predicted that it will result in a “fifth wave“ of terrorism. Much of the public interest in the foreign fighter phenomenon has focused on Western Europe and the Middle East. The situation in the Balkans, by contrast, has received comparatively little attention. This book is the first comprehensive account of who the foreign fighters from the Balkans are, where they come from, and how they have been radicalised. All the chapters are based on in-depth research and written by leading experts from the region. Their analysis and conclusions are based on empirical facts and a profound understanding of the social and political dynamics in their respective countries. It is this depth of local knowledge that makes the various chapters so interesting and informative.

Do Germans support the euro?

Author(s): Daniel Gros,Felix Roth / Language(s): English

This paper analyses public support for the euro in Germany. Drawing from the results of regular Eurobarometer surveys, it finds that the ongoing financial and sovereign debt crisis has reduced support for the euro among German citizens, but not dramatically so – at least not yet. In the 1990s, the German public was sceptical towards the euro. But since the introduction of euro bank notes and coins, a clear majority of citizens supports the euro –despite the financial and sovereign debt crisis. Moreover, on average, support for the euro isat a similar level in Germany as it is elsewhere in the euro area. This salient finding, however, appears to contradict the results of a survey conducted by the Allensbach Institute, an influential public opinion polling centre in Germany, which concludes that an overwhelming majority of Germans do not trust the euro any more. We suggest that this striking difference in findings could be due to three factors: a) the fact that the Allensbach Institute and Eurobarometer were measuring different concepts: trust in the euro and support for the euro, respectively; b) the Allensbach Institute’s results might be biased, given the scaling of their trust question and c) the fact that Eurobarometer frames its survey questions explicitly in a European context, where as the Allensbach surveys have a purely national context.

Civil Society Impact on the EU Climate Change Policy

Author(s): Selma Şekercioğlu / Language(s): English

“In today’s world climate change has come to a point where national, regional and global actors are forced to re-make or re-design their policies in order to reduce the negative influences of this phenomenon. The European Union (EU) is no exception to these actors that are in need of making new arrangements on climate change. In this book I intended to evaluate the transition in the EU’s energy related climate policies; the changing roles of the Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) and the European institutions. In fact, lobbying taking place at the CSOs level is and must be directly linked with the role of the EU institutions whilst evaluating the new approaches of the EU on climate change matters. More specifically, Brussels based CSOs are particularly important whilst analysing their access to the decision-making mechanisms of the EU as well as the pressure mechanisms they impose on the EU-level policy changes. Readers will see that there is hard evidence that CSOs has some influence on the EU’s energy related climate change policy decisions. Particularly the interviews conducted in this work places this book apart from the rest of the literature. I hope all readers will find this work on the influence of the EU-wide civil society organizations on climate policies of the Union of their interest and appealing.”

STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS IN CRISIS: HOW EAST ASIAN GOVERNMENTS RESPONDED TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC

Author(s): Monika Izandra Hanley,Kristina Van Sant,Rueban Manokara / Language(s): English

The COVID-19 outbreak has confirmed that, in an era of globalisation, local disasters quickly and unexpectedly escalate into world-spanning crises. What began as a local viral infection in Wuhan grew into a global pandemic in less than two months. The COVID-19 crisis is an unprecedented event in almost every way, not least from a strategic communications perspective. Faced with uncertainty about the development of the virus and its impact on society, governments are underenormous pressure to communicate policy initiatives and advice to their publics under extraordinary circumstances. While recognising that the crisis is still unfolding at a global level, this report explores how countries chose to act and communicate in relation to the outbreak of the virus during the initial period of the crisis. Although it is still far too early to evaluate the effectiveness of any approach, comparing and contrasting different courses of action at an early stage provides valuable insight into different crisis communication strategies when swift and unanticipated communications were required.

Neispričana povijest

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

Historijski revizionizam, govor mržnje i nasilje prema Srbima u 2018.

Author(s): / Language(s): English,Croatian

Pučka pravobraniteljica Lora Vidović objavila je 20. novembra 2018. godine analizu naslovljenu: Relativizacija zločina NDH narušava temeljne vrijednosti Ustava, a izostanak reakcija otvara prostor mržnji. U tom tekstu proziva čitav niz državnih i crkvenih institucija te desnocivilnih organizacija za toleriranje i poticanje rehabilitacije nasljeđa tzv. Nezavisne Države Hrvatske i ustaškog režima. Analiza pučke pravobraniteljice svakim slovom pogađa suštinu onoga što se u 2018. Godini iskristaliziralo kao predominantan trend u javnom prostoru, s posebnim naglaskom na djelovanju Rimokatoličke crkve, Hrvatske radiotelevizije, raznih ratno-veteranskih udruženja, desnih udruga civilnog društva, ali i samih vrhova državne vlasti. Tako, primjerice, kaže: “Unatoč tome, eksplicitni ustaški ili nacistički simboli ili oni koji asociraju na ustaški pokret prisutni su u javnom prostoru u Hrvatskoj. Tako se posljednjih godina tiskaju knjige, pišu i objavljuju članci i intervjui, održavaju tribine, snimaju dokumentarni filmovi i emitiraju televizijske emisije u kojima se negira ili umanjuje zločinački karakter NDH. Osim u huškačkim i nacionalistički obojenim medijima, ovakvi stavovi iznose se i u službenom glasilu Katoličke crkve, a prodrli su i u prevladavajuće medije, uključujući i na javnu televiziju.” [...]

Belarus Protests: Information Control and Technological Censorship vs Connected Societies

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The Belarusian presidential election on 9 August 2020 was a turning point in the history of modern Belarus. Disagreeing with the apparently falsified results of the vote, protesting Belarusian citizens flooded the cities around the country. Lukashenko’s response was lightning fast and brutal. In order to conceal any information about the brutality of the law enforcement structures against peaceful protesters, Lukashenko attempted to take control of the information environment and restrict access to all information channels – especially Internet resources.

Strengthening the Role of Youth Work in Contesting Dynamics of Shrinking Cities

Author(s): / Language(s): English

A great deal has been written about the causes and impacts of shrinkage, as well as about policies and planning strategies. Nevertheless, the state of knowledge in a cross-national perspective is rather poor since studies have focused more on large cities with empirical evidence ignoring the contextual influence on local dynamics (Wolff, Wiechmann; 2017). A shrinking city is one that has experienced population loss, employment decline and social issues as symptoms of a structural crisis (Martinez-Fernandez; 2012). This shows how complex the shrinkage process is and thus requires a more detailed explanation of push factors. The idea that there is no future prospect for them in their place of residence seems to be the crucial push factor for people to leave their home. This project has focused on building new strategies of social inclusion and civic engagement for youth residing in Europe’s “shrinking cities” and is a result of a collaboration between eight partner organizations from four EU countries: Documenta and Croatian Youth Network from Croatia, EJBW and Culture Goes Europe from Germany, YouthCoop and UMAR from Portugal as well as Asociacion Caminos and ColPolSoc - Andalucia from Spain. In the planning process, the partner organizations conducted a preliminary research and provided information about shrinking cities and their relation to the youth in their countries. There has been a unanimous conclusion that the socio-economic problems cause the cities to shrink which in turn has enormous effects mainly on the youth. On the other hand, there is a great number of young people who believe that they can make a difference and change things for the better. For this, the youth needs access to the commonly accepted tools and improved practices that can be used in their own social and cultural contexts. Therefore, youth work should provide a bridge that strengthens young people at a personal level but also promotes public action as well as learning about translating key values of youth work into reality. Moreover, engagement in the wide variety of personal and social development activities will help young people to develop the knowledge and the skills that are needed in the labour market, given the fact that 3.5 million young people are unemployed in the EU (Eurostat, 2018). The organizations embraced the idea of conducting proper research as well as mapping that would ensure a better understanding of the similarities and differences between various problems while at the same time providing methods for learning how to deal with critical socio-economic dynamics at different local settings across the EU. It was also deemed important to investigate examples of successful youth work, to identify and document their innovativeness and then disseminate the results with a wider outreach.