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The authors consider the problem of limited supply of candidates for mayors. Since 2002, most electoral committees in Polish municipalities have only participated in the elections for municipal councils and not for the principal executive office. Between 2002 and 2010, there was also a growing share of municipalities in which only one candidate ran. The logistic regression analysis demonstrates that the electoral committees’ decision whether or not to nominate a candidate is influenced by their size (popularity), as well as the size of the municipality. If there is a dominating committee and competing incumbents, it is less probable that another candidate would run. It is evident that the well-known effect of incumbency advantage works not only during the elections but also before them (when candidates are registered).
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Gellért Oláh is member of the SHARE Kolozsvár Federation’s staff responsible for the organisation of Kolozsvár 2015 European Youth Capital. He shares his experiences and speaks both of the feedbacks and the cooperation between Hungarian and Romanian organisers.
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In our country volunteerism is more and more popular and at the same time volunteer researches are also noticeably increasing. Based on a survey among Hungarian high school students in Transylvania, in our study we are dealing with volunteerism, as a social phenomenon, and the main motivations for these activities. What kind of patterns can be highlighted among the volunteer activities of students in Northern-Transylvania and Seklerland? What are those values and motives which can define and characterise volunteer work? In our research we are looking to answer these and similar questions.
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Finnish physical activity and how it is organised has changed over the last hundred years, and these changes can be seen in the civic, public and private sectors. The development of a civic sector for sport and physical activity has followed the larger changes in society and the organisation of other civic activities. At the end of the 1960s the Finnish public administration of sport started to expand. Specific attention was given to access to sports, which shifted the focus of the municipalities to consider the needs of all user groups. In the 1980s, the differentiation of Finnish sports culturebegan, a trend that could be seen in organisational and content changes. The amount and the type of the sports clubs increased and new sports were introduced. The private sports sector also began to grow. There is a constant revision of the relationship between the public, private and civic sectors. The challenge for these sectors is the polarisation of physical activity and how the population as whole can be motivated to be active enough for their well-being and health.
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European watchdogs are set to probe new police law amid mounting fears of a constitutional crisis.
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European breeding programs are helping keep the critically endangered wild horse from extinction.
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The main scientific objective of the paper is to investigate the problematization of protest, resistance, and explosions of social discontent in the discourse of European symbolic elites. The analysis of three dimensions of the intellectualization of protest serves to answer the following questions: how is protest shaped as an object of intellectual discussion, how it gains the attention of symbolic elites, and how intellectuals support social protest and make it a subject of public attention. The second objective is to identify the paradoxes and dilemmas of the intellectualization of protest on the example of Michel Foucault and the organization Groupe d’Information sur les Prisons. Following Foucault’s case, the author argues that the protest cannot avoid symbolic appropriation by those who claim to be its greatest advocates, and elites declaring themselves to be social critics are often uncritical towards their ideological positions.
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As the executive director of the Transylvania Trust Foundation, which also administrates the Bánffy castle in Bonchida/Bonţida, and the Sub-secretary of Culture of the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ), offers a survey on the situation of the historical castles of Transylvania, Romania. After the long years of communist dictatorship, it was in Romania where most castles were returned by the state administration to the descendants of their original owners. However, these buildings were now in a much worse state than in their heyday, and their restoration and future use confronts the Romanian society and the owners with problems which could have hardly been initially foreseen, also dealt with by the author.
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There were very few surveys made about the relationship between the non-profit organizations and certain economicindicators, and, in the light of these relations, about the impacts of the economic crisis on the sector. In thestudy the author attempts to point out whether non-profit organizations could be related to the regional incomepotential (both in case of companies and civil) and to the economic activity of regional economic organizations,and if so, to what extent is there a correlation or interdependence between them. Attempt is made also to describetheir regional characteristics within the country. Answer is sought, how the presented economic position and thelack of resources typical of most of the organizations resulted from low resources and the withdrawal of financesattending the crisis, and to what extent the organizations were able to counterbalance these factors, by all meansthe crisis shook the not at all stable economic basis of the sector.
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This article makes a map in which the trend lines of contemporary social movements, their characteristics and the lessons of the predecessor movements in the 20th century are revealed. The text argues how these new movements go from having forms of individual and local protests to becoming much more permanent forms of protest in time-space with a marked anti-capitalist and anti-systemic character
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In the present conditions of life, there is no area of human activity in which computers have found their application. Computer frauds are, by nature, certainly the nearest commercial crime, and make it illegal to obtain economic benefits. Computer fraud in the Criminal Code of the Republic of Serbia is prescribed as an individual criminal act and is covered by Article 301 Criminal Code. Surveys based on the data of the Special Prosecutor for cyber crime established in the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade, and the period in 2008, 2009 and 2010, it was found that the offense of computer fraud in the present practice of the judicial authorities of the Republic of Serbia. Based on the analysis of the number of criminal charges by year, there is an evident increase in detection of computer fraud offenses compared to other crimes in the area of cyber crime.
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The purpose of this paper is the evaluation of the development and measurement of organized crime. So far, initial steps have been taken in the measurement of organized crime. We would like to contribute to a more detailed examination of the topic. At the same time, the purpose of the paper is also the study of two comparable projects, OCA, and EDGE. The methods used were: a review of domestic and foreign literature, the analysis of the projects OCO and EDGE. We have used the following research methods: an analysis of secondary sources, descriptive method, comparative method, and historical development method. We came to different yet interesting findings in our analysis of the topic: we cannot speak about certainty when we talk about scenarios, we can only talk about likelihood, which is why I turned to the essence of the research carried out ― to the problems of methodology. The findings depend on what kind of methodology one chooses for the planning of future trends. The opinion of experts is that the most appropriate methodology and the optimal choice for predicting trends in the future are scenarios. For a description of the situation, and a measurement in the field of organized crime there are number of problems. We have highlighted the following: an inconsistent definition of acquired data and its relevance, the differences in judicial systems and police registers, the impact of social and political factors and the measurement at an international level. It is important to mention that in the past there was a focus on obtaining quantitative data, and that conclusions were made in relation to this data. Today the emphasis is on quantitative data, but still not to a sufficient degree. Much has already been written about scenarios in different areas of science, unlike in research and the forecasting of organized crime, where scenarios are just coming into use. This paper deals with the comparison of two important projects in the field of organized crime, OCA and EDGE. We are trying to answer the question of which direction we should go from our situation to secure a successful policy in the area of organized crime and its rapid and effective solution in today’s dynamic environment.
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The subject of this paper is the politicological aspect of the methods and techniques of preventing and combating terrorist financing through money laundering in official financial institutions, based on the application of modern achievements in the methodology of political, criminological, legal, economic, sociological and history sciences, as well as the possibility of further capacity building of the society and political subjects in the successful organisation of detecting, understanding, analysing and undertaking countermeasures. The issue is primarily of intellectual nature and essentially refers to the area of insight in terrorist financing through money laundering, as follows: the existing knowledge on terrorism, the existing knowledge on money laundering, the existing knowledge on interrelations between these two social phenomena, the existing knowledge on the consequences of these phenomena, the existing knowledge on the methods and techniques applied in the processes of terrorist financing through money laundering, the existing knowledge on the policies and methods of implementation of the countermeasures of the international community and local communities aimed at combating these phenomena, security as a social phenomenon. The basis for comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon is a precise scientific definition of the following: first, the phenomenon itself; second, the methodologies and techniques of its presentation, third, social significance and consequences of this phenomenon, fourth, methodologies of monitoring and measuring its effects, fifth, methodology, implementation and monitoring of the effects of countermeasures of the social and international community. Terrorist financing through money laundering has been defined as a very complex process of various relations established for the purpose of attempting or successfully obtaining or raising funds or assets, aimed at their use or with the awareness sthat they may be used fully or partially in the performance of a terrorist act, by terrorists or terrorist organisations. The subject of study are, therefore, the relations between the elements of the process of terrorist financing through money laundering based on modern politicological and methodological knowledge.
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It has been noted that museum security guards form the least effective line of defense in the protection of art from theft and vandalism. Museums rely increasingly on high-tech, alarm-based security, which has failed to work, or failed to provoke an effective response, in a number of high-profile occasions. It is time to re-evaluate the role of museum guards. Hundreds of museum security guards around the world were interviewed about their own roles, their training, and their perception of museum security. The results were processed, and trends were found that suggest a prevalent passivity and resulting ineffectuality on the part of guards in general. Guards from museums with untraditional security directors, who advocate a more active participation from their staff while on duty, felt better prepared to respond to security threats, and felt that they diffused potential security threats by identifying suspicious persons in advance and approaching them in an appropriate manner. The purpose of this article is to identify problems and trends in museum security guard management. Based on these trends, as noted by professionals as well as culled from over one-hundreds of museum security guard questionnaires, we will suggest new ways of managing guards that result in the early identification and diffusal of potential security threats.
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The purpose of this article is to review the profile and causes of the Colombian conflict, to shed light on the context in which the current events on the Colombian battlefields are occurring and therefore, to bring attention to the fact that the conflict cannot be resolved merely with brute military force what has, with the successes of Uribe government’s anti-guerrilla campaigns, become a general opinion. It is also an objective of this article to set a foundation upon which some further critical approach analysis of the Colombian armed conflict can be built.
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Open letter regarding historians' access to documents in the National Archives
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The death of King Ferdinand Ist and of the leader of the National Liberal Party I. I. C. Brătianu in 1927 laid the conditions for the change of power in Romania. The meeting in Alba-Iulia in May 1928 played an important role in the National Peasant Party coming to power, because the program of the party’s activities for the near future was announced there. After the government of I. Maniu came to power in November 1928, the representatives of the national minorities of Romania expected changes in the government's attitude towards the observance of the rights of national minorities, as well as the political regime liberalisation. The observance of the rights of national minorities for the Ukrainians of Bukovina was seen primarily in the return of the Ukrainian teaching language to the educational sphere adopted by the government. The resumption of activities was another issue after the abolition of the siege state in northern Bukovina, as well as Ukrainian educational societies, primarily the “Ruska Besida”, which performed tasks in educational activities through reading and amateur theatrical groups. The third issue, which should guarantee the implementation of the first two ones, was to obtain a sufficient number of seats in parliament for representatives of the Ukrainian community. From mid-October 1928 through February 1929, Ukrainian communities of Bukovina filed requests for teaching in Ukrainian. The newspaper “Chas” (Time) also dealt with this issue, publishing reports on the meeting of the communities. As a result, 199 applications were received with 30 thousand signatures, which gave the government grounds to talk about the possibility of introducing the corresponding number of teaching hours in schools of 139 communities. In general, the decision of the government in the field of teaching in the Ukrainian language was not made till December 1929 that caused concerns and statements from the Ukrainian side. Also, V. Zalozetskyi who was elected to the Senate in January 1929 made a statement about the loyalty of the Ukrainians of Bukovina to the authorities and motivated the need to introduce the Ukrainian language of teaching for Ukrainians. A number of statements concerning the need to study the state and Ukrainian languages in equal proportions was made by the communities. V. Zalozetskyi called the national consciousness of the Ukrainians of Bukovina not posing a threat to the Romanian statehood, but it could become a condition for preparing the intelligentsia for the future ‘non-Bolshevik Ukraine’. The restoration of the number of organizations of the “Ruska Besida” society led to the spread of the amateur theatre group activities. Such steps gave grounds, primarily to representatives of national liberals, to make statements about the demands of Ukrainians to remove the Romanian language from school. The active role in presenting the situation was played by the newspapers “Curentul” and “Universul”, describing the position and actions of national minorities too critically. In general, the Ukrainians turned out to be a very quiet minority comparing with the Hungarians’ protests and the situation in Dobrudja, although they were less organized to fight for the observance of their rights.
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Within the national cultural and institutional system, the regional cultural associations played a special role: Association for the Culture of the Romanian People from Maramureş (Sighet, February 5, 1861); the Transylvanian Association for Romanian Literature and Culture of the Romanian (ASTRA), founded at Sibiu, on October 23–26/November 4–7, 1861; the Arad National Association for the Culture of the Romanian People (Arad, April 30/May 12, 1863). Due to their regional character, they accelerated the cultural activity on a relatively extended geographical area, also favoring in time the access of village communities to culture act. At the same time, due to the concentration of the political and intellectual elite of all Romanians under foreign domination, they supported and launched extremely fruitful activities for the affirmation of the Romanian national identity. The foundation of regional associations (especially those in Sibiu and Arad, important illuminist, cultural and political centers), embodied the needs of the Romanian elite for developing, in an adequate framework, a major culture, corresponding to the one developed by the scientific institutions of other peoples. Taking into account their purposes and concerns, as well as their organization, the ASTRA and, partially, the Arad National Association, resembled the scientific, academic societies. From another point of view, the foundation of regional associations contributes to the process of institutionalizing Transylvania Romanian culture, on a national basis, which anticipated the expansion of the elements constituting national awareness towards the greater social categories. This process became more and more visible at the middle of the 19th Century, reflecting the dissemination of Romanticism in the local public interest, as well as in that of the whole South-eastern Europe. Regional associations brought to their program diverse cultural objectives, in the Romanticist direction, which amplified the forms of manifesting national sentiment and contributed to the affirmation of Romanian solidarity in general.
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The aim of this paper is to analyse the state of civil society in Hungary and thus tooffer an insight into the theory of civil society and civic engagement. Firstly, the process of polit-ical transition and the formation of civil society in Hungary is discussed. The next section givesan overview of the legal status of civil society institutions. Then an attempt is made to presentcomplicated relationships between politics and civil society in Hungary. The article addresses themethodology of the empirical research conducted by the author. Given the collected researchmaterial and the conducted empirical research, the paper was divided into two parts.
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