Politický vývoj v Československu v roku 1968 (so zreteľom na podmienky Slovenska)

Author(s): Stanislav Sikora / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

V júli 1960 bola prijatá Ústava ČSSR a vedúci predstavitelia komunistického režimu vyhlásili, že v Československu sa vybudovali základy socializmu. Pravda, išlo o socializmus sovietskeho typu, ktorý bol do našej krajiny „transplantovaný“ v predchádzajú- com období za asistencie predtým nevídaného a neslýchaného násilia, pričom si treba uvedomiť, že sa to dialo v mierových podmienkach. V Československu vznikol totalitný systém, ktorý rozbúral všetky tradičné spoločenské štruktúry. V politickej sfére došlo k nastoleniu diktatúry jednej strany – KSČ, v mene ktorej de facto vládla straníckoštátna byrokracia a represívna päsť režimu – Štátna bezpečnosť. V ekonomickej oblasti došlo k zoštátneniu všetkého, čo sa ešte zoštátniť dalo – vrátane živností; poľnohospodárstvo bolo násilne skolektivizované.

Invázia „pätky“ z augusta 1968 (so zameraním na medzinárodný kontext)

Author(s): Slavomír Michálek / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Šesťdesiate roky 20. storočia obsahovali takmer všetky varianty komunistickej politiky, ktoré sa uplatnili v Československu počas celého komunistického režimu. Na ich začiatku doznievala politika tvrdého kurzu. Od roku 1963 možno pozorovať isté politické uvoľnenie, čiastočnú liberalizáciu režimu, vzápätí nasledovala invázia vojsk piatich štátov Varšavskej zmluvy na „záchranu socializmu“ v Československu 21. augusta 1968 a po nej známa normalizácia, reštaurácia komunistickej diktatúry.

Slovenskí novinári v kultúrnom a demokratizačnom procese šesťdesiatych rokov

Author(s): Elena Londáková / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Česko-slovenské šesťdesiate roky patrili pravdepodobne k tomu najlepšiemu z 20. storočia. Prišli po plodných medzivojnových rokoch, v ktorých sa sformovali inštitucionálne, vzdelanostné a mentálne základy moderného slovenského národa a vyrástla tu silná generácia umeleckej a vedeckej inteligencie. Po tom, čo sa komunistický režim v 50. rokoch dostal na dno svojich autoritárskych praktík a hľadaním nepriateľa vo vlastných radoch významne spochybnil vlastný politický program, prišlo desaťročie, v ktorom politické uvoľnenie umožnilo ukázať kvalitu, ku ktorej slovenská spoločnosť dospela za historicky krátke obdobie niekoľkých málo desiatok rokov.

Nekomunistický reformný prúd v roku 1968 – denník Ľud v 60. rokoch

Author(s): Juraj Alner / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Téma pozostáva z dvoch častí: jednou je história Strany slovenskej obrody, ktorá Ľud vydávala, druhou udalosti odohrávajúce sa priamo v redakcii. Oboje sa vyvíjalo (presnejšie: stagnovalo) vo vzájomnej symbióze do polovice šesťdesiatych rokov, potom sa začal postupný proces odpútavania Ľudu od SSO. V rokoch 1969 - 70 sa noviny vrátili do stojatých vôd malej politickej strany. Zatiaľ čo pojem „politický marketing“ označuje symbiózu či vzájomnú závislosť politiky a médií, symbióza SSO a Ľudu za komunistického režimu bola špecifi cká: SSO svoje noviny v skutočnosti vôbec nepotrebovala, pretože sa nepotrebovala (a veľmi ani nechcela) prezentovať na verejnosti svojimi názormi (nijaké nemala) a nepotrebovala ani získavať voličské hlasy (nebolo ju možné voliť nad rámec mandátov, ktoré automaticky dostávala od komunistov). V roku 1968 (a krátko predtým a potom) nomenklatúre SSO Ľud skôr prekážal, pretože vstupoval vlastnými postojmi do politickej debaty. Ten vlastný postoj bol v príkrom rozpore s líniou, ktorú mali dopredu nakreslenú ofi ciálni reprezentanti strany kolaborujúcej s mocou.

Fotodokumentácia

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Apponyi a Trianon na stránkach slovenskej autonomistickej tlače v prvej polovici 20. rokov 20. storočia

Author(s): Peter Macho / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

V príspevku analyzujem publicistické texty, ktoré vychádzali na stránkach dvoch periodík. Ide o Národnie noviny a denník Slovák. Profi lovali sa ako tlačové orgány politických strán, ktoré sa usilovali o zavedenie autonómie Slovenska v rámci Československej republiky. Napriek tomu, že Národnie noviny vychádzali v pomerne nízkom náklade, v časti slovenskej spoločnosti si uchovávali určitý kredit zdedený ešte z čias Rakúsko-Uhorska. Od roku 1918 si hľadali svoje miesto na žurnalistickej scéne: najprv fungovali ako tlačový orgán Slovenskej národnej rady, následne sa po krátkom intermezze straníckej fúzie národniarov a agrárnikov od roku 1922 defi nitívne stali tlačovým orgánom osamostatnenej Slovenskej národnej strany.

Možnosti komunikácie pri počiatkoch mestskej society v Bratislave

Author(s): Žofia Lysá / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

V roku 1296 predstúpili pred Bratislavskú kapitulu šľachtici z Rače z jednej strany a z druhej strany, tak mešťania ako aj hostia z Rakúska a Uhorska, aby medzi sebou spísali dohodu ohľadom poplatkov za vinice na vrchu Schinberg (Schintperg, kopec v oblasti nad dnešnými Krasňanami v Bratislave). Je to prvý prameň, kde sú obyvatelia Bratislavy pomenovaní zdvojením „cives et hospites“. Následne sa táto formulácia ukotvuje v prameňoch týkajúcich sa Bratislavy najmä od 30. rokov 14. storočia. Ide o terminologické vyjadrenie faktu, že v mestskej societe sa stretli dve sociálne vrstvy? Kto boli cives a kto sa skrýval pod termínom hospites?

„In Posonio est locus valde sanus...“ Kultúrne kontakty Bratislavy a Viedne v 15. storočí

Author(s): Miriam Hlavačková / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Ak hľadáme paralely Bratislavy a Viedne v stredoveku, môže nám napadnúť výhodná poloha na dôležitej dopravnej tepne – Dunaji, prosperujúce vinohradníctvo či nemecky hovoriace obyvateľstvo. Vďaka vzájomnej blízkosti oboch miest prekvitali obchodné i príbuzenské kontakty, Viedenčania vlastnili v Bratislave nehnuteľnosti ako aj Bratislavčania vo Viedni. Samozrejme nešlo o celkom rovnocenný vzťah, keďže Viedeň patrila aj v celoeurópskych reláciách k veľkým a významným mestám, v ktorých sa koncentroval značný kapitál.

STILISTIKA FACEBOOK STATUSA KAO SREDSTAVA KOMUNIKACIJE PUTEM NOVIH MEDIJA

Author(s): Esmeralda Mustafić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Researching of Facebook will bring us some new knowledge about language and style. Considering the fact that Facebook allow us one kind of global communication, the means of that communication are very interesting for linguistics.

NEVER MIND THE BUZZWORDS: DEFINING FAKE NEWSAND POST-TRUTH

Author(s): Chelsea McManus,Celeste Michaud / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The previous Route has shown that the relationship between post-truth, populism, and fake news is often described in overly simplistic terms. Simply proclaiming that we are now living in an era of fake news and post-truth politics does not actually help us to understand these phenomena. This Route will trace the development of these concepts, tease out what is unique about the way they are currently being used, and identify what is at stake in the different definitions.

WHEN DISHONESTY IS THE BEST POLICY. REALLY?

Author(s): Mitchell Ilbury / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

‘How can you tell when a politician is lying?’ the joke goes, ‘because his lips are moving.’ We may roll our eyes when we hear it, partly because it is not that funny, but also because we are well aware of the fact that leaders lie. Sometimes, however, leaders should lie, as it can be an important tool of statecraft. Honesty can compromise military planning, and in the international system, diplomatic relations between states may require a well-placed lie to gain strategic advantage, or prevent another actor from doing so. In such circumstances, not only is it justifiable, but leaders may even have an obligation to lie. While the potential for abuse means lying should remain a controversial and scrutinised aspect of leadership, it is important to acknowledge that it sometimes functions as a necessary feature of government.

COUNTERING FAKE NEWS

Author(s): Siri Strand,Jente Althuis / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The increased presence of fake news is seen to pose a challenge to our democratic society. Consequently, we are seeking to identify, understand, and overhaul the vulnerabilities of the media environment in order to limit the phenomenon and consequences of fake news. This Route evaluates the tools, existing knowledge, and ongoing research useful for countering fake news. It provides an overview of existing initiatives by governmental organisations, media outlets, and civil society, and discusses the challenges and dilemmas each actor faces. Furthermore, it assesses the knowns and unknowns of the impact of fake news and those of countering initiatives. Based on this assessment, it identifies the primary gaps in our knowledge regarding how to respond to fake news, as well as the potential of technological innovation and future research directions to close these gaps. In conclusion, it finds that our largest challenge might not merely be the establishment of efficient counter-mechanisms to fake news, but rather how to implement these without undermining institutions and processes that are vital to our democratic system.

ENDNOTES

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

RUSSIA’S COMPATRIOT POLICY IN THE NORDICBALTIC REGION

Author(s): Ieva Bērziņa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The overview of Russia’s grand strategy in relation to the NB8 region (Chapter 1) identified the ‘compatriot policy’ as one tool for achieving its political and military goals in the international arena. Russia, as the legal successor of the Soviet Union, claimed responsibility for compatriots of the former Soviet Union (not only ethnic Russians), many of whom became citizens (or non-citizens)64 of countries that regained their independence or were established as sovereign states after the collapse of the Soviet Union. These specific historical circumstances created a situation in which a large number of people that Russia considers compatriots reside outside its territorial borders. From the Kremlin’s perspective this gives it the moral and legal grounds to intervene in the internal matters of other sovereign states when justified by the need to protect and defend the rights of Russia’s (ex-Soviet) compatriots. Among the reasons given to justify the five day war with Georgia in 2008 and the annexation of the Crimea in 2014 was the need to protect compatriots, thus setting a precedent for Russia’s violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of its neighbouring states on the principle of defending compatriots. This chapter provides some insight into how Russia is using its compatriot policy as a tool of influence in the NB8 region, with an outline of the Russian perspective regarding the protection of compatriots. We assess the possibility of using the compatriot policy as a justification for sovereignty violations in the NB8 region, as was done in Georgia and the Crimea. We used a comparative over- view of the compatriots’ main activities in 2016 to answer the research questions. The main conclusion is that due to their ethnic structure, the Baltic States, and Estonia and Latvia in particular, are most vulnerable to the application of narrative of a violation of compatriots’ rights. However, the mere existence of the narrative is not itself an indication of hostile action, because the protection of compatriots’ rights is a means rather than an end. Another conclusion is that Russia consolidates compatriots’ activities in different countries and uses this as a concerted channel for the global promotion of Russia’s worldview. In other words, over time Russia’s compatriot policy has exceeded the ‘Near Abroad’ (a specific term used in Russia’s political language to signify countries that once formed the Soviet Union, where Russia claims to have special interests). For the NB8 region, this means that some of the issues salient in the Baltic States for over two decades have gradually spread to other countries as well.

INTRODUCTION

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The project ‘Russia’s (Dis)Information Activities Against the Nordic-Baltic Region’ was initiated in 2016 as a reaction to the intensification of Russia’s influence activities against the West on the backdrop of the information campaign against Ukraine and the conflict in the southeast Ukraine. Previous studies conducted by the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence (NATO StratCom COE) led to conclusion that Russia is employing a multi-level and multi-direction system of influence to advance its political and military goals. However these studies did not provide in-depth answers about the origins of the various information flows, their actual goals, and their ultimate effect on the social and political processes in Western countries. As pointed out by prominent British journalist Edward Lucas: ‘Even in the narrow question of the effectiveness of Russia’s overtly published propaganda, we have limited information about who consumes it, in what quantity, when, where and why. So before getting too excited about the lies and hatred spewed out by, say, Sputnik or RT, we need to know where it is landing. The answers may vary sharply by country, and across the demographic and social spectrums. But finding them requires quantitative and qualitative research.

NARRATIVES ABOUT THE NORDIC-BALTIC COUNTRIES PROMOTED BY RUSSIA

Author(s): Diana Kaljula,Ivo Juurvee / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Since the Ukrainian conflict in 2014 and Russia’s interference in the Brexit referendum in 2016 and elections in the United States, France, and Germany in 2017, the Western public has begun to accept the possibility that the Russian Federation is actively and aggressively interfering with sovereign countries via the information environment. One of the aims of the project ‘Russia’s (Dis)Information Activities Against the Nordic-Baltic Region’ was to collect systematic information about the main narratives, themes, and messages that Russia employs regarding Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, and Sweden.

RUSSIA’S NARRATIVES AND PUBLIC OPINION IN THE BALTIC STATES, FINLAND, AND SWEDEN

Author(s): Ieva Bērziņa / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The study of Russian narratives regarding the NB8 countries identified the most common ‘outgoing’ narratives used in 2016. However, mere content analysis is not a sufficient metric to assess Russia’s influence in the information environment, because media is just an instrument for reaching the ultimate target—the cognitive dimension of the communities that reside in the NB8 countries. Therefore the final ingredient in this study of Russia’s activities in the information environment of the NB8 region for the period 2016–2017 was a comparative public opinion survey that aimed to discover to what extent the narratives promoted by Russia correspond with the views of the societies in the region. It should be emphasized that measuring Russia’s influence in information environment is a complicated task. Four issues limit the possibility of arriving at comprehensive and unambiguous answers by means of a limited quantitative survey: 1) there are no strict divisions between the narratives promoted by Russia and the views of opinion leaders and societies outside Russia—they may coincide without any specific connection to Russia; 2) without qualitative research methods it is impossible to know how the respondents understand such concepts as ‘neo-Nazism’, ‘threat’, ‘destabilization’, etc., and if their understanding differs from the interpretation assumed in the Russian narratives; 3) without additional research it is also impossible to draw any conclusions about the factors influencing of the opinions of respondents, therefore coincidence in views can not necessarily be interpreted as due to Russia’s influence or, indeed, as the absence of it; 4) additional research is necessary to determine how Russia seeks to match its narratives to the attitudes present in the NB8 societies to advance its strategic goals, and, indeed, if this is possible. Nevertheless, an initial attempt was made to measure the spread of the narratives promoted by Russia in the NB8 region in terms of public agreement or disagreement with the ideas that are in line with the content produced by Russian state-funded media and Russia’s strategic goals. Although the survey data should primarily be taken as a basis for further research, the results provide a valuable comparative perspective on public opinion in the NB8 region and the extent of the use of the three Russian state funded media outlets surveyed. The data obtained in this pilot study supports a more sceptical view regarding Russia’s informational influence on Western societies as expressed by prominent Russian expert M. Galeotti: ‘Too much is often made of the alleged influence of the English-language Sputnik news agency and RT television channel, or even of the online trolling and disinformation campaign. Evidence that they actually changed minds—rather than just pandered to existing prejudices—is still lacking.

HOSTILE NARRATIVES AND PROPAGANDA

Author(s): Igor Munteanu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter describes four Kremlin narratives that are hostile to Moldovan sovereignty, namely ’Russkii Mir and Soviet Nostalgia’, ‘Federalization Will Ensure Equality’, ‘The European Union is Bad, Russia’s Customs Union is What You Need’, and ‘Romania and NATO are a Threat to Peace’. These narratives overlap and are often contradictory and contain lies. Still, they share some basic principles—they leverage Moldovan vulnerabilities, touch the emotions of different local audiences, and attempt to develop mistrust toward modern Western countries and Trans-Atlantic values and relationships.

WHO CONTROLS THE MEDIA AND PEOPLE’S MEDIA CONSUMPTION?

Author(s): Nadine Gogu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter describes who or what controls the media and media consumption. The analysis emphasizes the importance of the power to control what Moldovans read, see, hear, and experience. Russian media is seen as more trustworthy then Moldovan media. The fact that much of the media is linked to the local political and business elite, most often to Vladimir Plahotniuc, but also to Chiril Luchinschi, Vlad Filat, Vadim Ciubara, Victor Țopa, Dan Lozovan, Dumitru Țîra, and Ilan Shor among others, does not help the situation. Television is still seen as relatively reliable, as it is the third most trusted source of socio-political information.