Repere în diplomația Unirii (1848-1859)

Author(s): Dumitru Vitcu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: XI/1979

L'Union des Principautés Roumaines la Moldavie et la Valachie, réalisée le 24 janvier 1859, a été le résultat de longues efforts du peuple roumain tout entier, constitué en nation dans la deuxième moitié du siècle passé. Ces efforts ont augmenté en intensité et ampleur durant les dix années antérieures, à la réalisation de l'Union. La révolution de 1848 a inauguré une nouvelle étape, particulière, dans l'histoire de la diplomatie roumaine en mettant les fondements d'une activité diplomatique unitaire ininterrompue, dans le sens moderne, dont ses objectives majeures et ses principes généraux devront conduire l'entier développement des forces nationales dans la deuxième moitié du siècle passé. Les chefs de la révolution roumaine, obligés de quitter le pays après la répression de la révolte, sont devenus les porteurs légitimes des aspirations nationales roumaines. Bien que dépourvus du statut des diplomates officiels et de la garantie des plénipotentiaires en représentant les intérêts d'un état divisé encore, par les frontières artificielles, ne possédant même, des moyens matérielles nécessaires, ni même l'appareil de représentation correspondantes, les messagers officiaux du peuple roumain ont actionné avec vigueur, en consensus et méthodiquement en anticipait tout les formes d'une diplomatie organisée, avec toute les méthodes d'une politique externe constituée, en préparant ainsi, sur le plan international, l'Union. Par des lettres et des mémoires, par des brochures imprimées, par des audiences, entrevues et des démarches pertinents dans les grandes capitales de l'Europe ils ont réussi d'attirer l'attention de l'opinion publique internationale sur la "question roumaine" et la nécessité impérieuse de sa résolution. L'action des messagers roumains, raccrochée aux mouvements de la libération nationale des autres peuples (italien, polonais, hongrois), s'est développée dans une ininterrompu et étroit liaison avec les dirigeants de la lutte pour le progrès dans notre pays. Le présent article essaie de résoudre les principales actions et mouvements de la lutte politico-diplomatique soutenu par les anciens révolutionnaires de 1848 en vue de la constitution de l'État national roumain moderne.

Despre inființarea și evoluția Muzeului Asociațiunii Astra din Sibiu (1905-1950)

Author(s): Dragoş-Lucian Curelea,Daniela-Stefania Curelea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2020

The article presents the timeline of the foundation in Sibiu of a history and ethnography museum, an idea launched by Ioan Puşcariu in 1860 and later borrowed by most of the marking members of the Association. At the beginning of the 20th century, a building was erected and the Association’s Museum in Sibiu was inaugurated on the 6th/19th august 1905, with many scholars from Romania attending, Nicolae Iorga among them. The museum enriched its collection annually and during the interwar period it became one of the most appreciated and visited museums in the country. Moreover, it became a model in what concerns the organization of such cultural-national institutions.

Cross-roads in War. Romania and Italy Join the Entente Power

Author(s): George Cipăianu / Language(s): English Issue: 1-4/2020

Italy and Romania, former allies of Austria-Hungary and Germany, refrained from engaging in the First World War. Both countries adopted a position of neutrality, concluding a convention stipulating that neither of them would enter the war without announcing the other partner. Nevertheless, Italy signed the Treaty of London (1915) with the Entente Powers and took up arms without letting the Romanian government know. Similitudes in the international conduct of the two countries were followed by the pursuit of specific national interests and by a different status at the negotiations. At the Peace Conference (1919–1920), both countries did well, the difference of position between Romania and Italy notwithstanding.

Magyar–szentszéki kapcsolatok 1920-tól napjainkig

Author(s): Petra Hamerli / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

Magyarország és a Szentszék diplomáciai kapcsolatai 1920–2015. Szerk.: Fejérdy András. Bp., Magyar Egyháztörténeti Enciklopédia Közösség, Historia Ecclesiastica Hungarica Alapítvány–Róma, Balassi Intézet, Római Magyar Akadémia, 2015. 280 p

Kulturális diplomácia a nemzetközi feszültségek közepette. Franciaország Közép- és Kelet-Európában (1936‒1940, 1944‒1951)

Author(s): D. Gusztáv Kecskés / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

Guénard-Maget, Annie: Une diplomatie culturelle dans les tensions internationales. La France en Europe centrale et orientale (1936‒1940/1944 1951). Bruxelles, Bern, Berlin, Frankfurt am Main, New York, Oxford, Wien, P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2014. 364 p. (Enjeux internationaux, 30.)

Polityka USA wobec problemu Odry i Nysy Łużyckiej w poglądach Zbigniewa Brzezińskiego w latach 60. XX wieku

Author(s): Krzysztof Siwek / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2021

The objective of this article is to present the political ideas of Zbigniew Brzeziński behind his position on the U.S. policy toward the question of Poland’s western frontier in the 1960s. The main task is focused on the extent of connection between Brzeziński's argument for the final recognition of the Oder-Neisse Line by the United States and his aim to overcome the Cold War division of Europe and the problem of national borders. Brzeziński's views on the frontier is worth explaining also in relation to his opinion on Polish-German and Polish-Soviet relations as well as on Polish nationalism and communist ideology.Accordingly, the question of the Oder-Neisse Line is addressed here in the context of Brzeziński's comments on U.S. policies toward the Federal Republic of Germany, the Soviet Union and Europe as a whole. The main sources for the study were Brzeziński's political commentaries, publications and archival material concerning Poland's western border in the 1960s. However, this study extends beyond the purely diplomatic history of the Polish frontier question by combining Brzeziński's views on the Oder-Neisse Line with his internationalist concept of European political-economic relations. As this paper demonstrates, Brzeziński's claim for the formal recognition of the Oder-Neisse Line by the United States in the 1960s developed within the framework of American political, geopolitical and economic designs for Germany, Soviet Union and for Europe as a whole in the context of the Cold War. Although his argument regarding Poland's western border contributed to the desirable increase of U.S. political interest in Poland and Central-Eastern Europe, nonetheless Brzeziński favored a kind of European interdependence of states and "Europeanization of Poland" over the restitution of its full sovereignty based on anti-Soviet nationalism. This peculiar universalist vision of Central-Eastern Europe coupled with socio-economic determinism appear to have profoundly affected Brzezinski's Polish frontier claim based on an assumption that both the Cold War division of Europe and national borders would eventually diminish in political significance as a result of Western recognition.

THE MIDDLE EAST IN YUGOSLAVIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 1970s

Author(s): Paweł Bielicki / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

The article concerns the importance of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the years 1970-1980. The text is an introduction to in-depth research on subject matter not sufficiently developed by previous research and was written based on available documents of the US State Department, the Wilson Center Digital Archive, and the resources of the library of US President Gerald Ford. Additionally, I used available international scientific periodicals in English, source literature in English, Serbian, and Polish, as well as memoirs of the most important global political figures of that time, including Egyptian President Anwar Al-Sadat and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the last Shah of Iran.

Улога Комунистичке партије Шпаније у успостављању дипломатских односа Београда и Мадрида након Франкове смрти

Author(s): Dimitrije Matić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2021

This article analyzes the influence of the Communist Party of Spain on the development of bilateral relations between Yugoslavia and Spain until the official establishment of diplomatic relations in January 1977, with an important emphasis on the period after the death of Francisco Franco. Besides researching the cooperation of Yugoslav and Spanish communists on these matters, the paper examines the specific international circumstances and interests of the great powers in the context of Yugoslav-Spanish rapprochement.

Török külpolitika új alapokon. A szíriai konfliktus kialakulása és a török külpolitika paradigmaváltása, 2011–2012

Author(s): Tamás Dudlák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2020

As the Syrian conflict has been dominating the political landscape of the Middle East for nine years, many analyses revolve around the recent developments of the conflict and how the crisis should be resolved. However, the question of how the relations between Turkey and Syria deteriorated remained relatively under-researched. Consequently, this paper tries to scrutinize this critical transformation process that took place in 2011. As this year lifted the crisis to a regional level, it also signifies a paradigm shift in Turkish foreign policy; however, only later developments shed light on the decisive nature of the events in 2011. As a reaction to the mass demonstrations in Syria, Turkey utilized a human rights discourse to force the Syrian leadership to make concessions. This strategy was part of the proactive policy setting that Ankara pursued to avoid isolation (as in the case of Libya beforehand) and gain the most prominent position in the conduct of an expected political transformation in Syria. Due to structural factors in parallel with the agencies (personality of leaders, Erdoğan and Assad) involved in the negotiation process, Ankara’s mediation attempt between the rebels and the leadership has failed. The analysis also considers the regional and global interests to underline the main argument that Turkey’s efforts to convince the Syrian leadership of changes became counterproductive. It is mainly due to the direct investment in the outcome of the process, as Ankara intended to use the mediation for undermining the Syrian leadership and gaining political influence in its immediate neighbourhood.

A konstantinápolyi francia diplomácia és a magyarkérdés a Rákóczi-szabadságharc korában

Author(s): Géraud Poumarède / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2020

This study is an analysis of the diplomatic activity of the Marquis de Ferriol, French ambassador to Constantinople during the period of the Hungarian War of Independence. Knowing the Hungarians well since his missions to Emeric Thököly, Ferriol tried to engage the Ottoman Porte in an active policy in favour of Rákóczi. These attempts were unsuccessful because of Ottoman inertia, but the way of Constantinople remained a very important link between the Hungarians and the French government which gave them assistance. On the other hand, the Hungarian diversion was very useful for France during the War of the Spanish Succession.

„Erdély fejedelméhez küldtek csupán.” Jacques de Boissimène küldetése III. Ahmed szultán udvarában (1717–1718)

Author(s): Núria Sallés Vilaseca / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2020

The article focuses on the secret mission of Jacques de Boissimène, envoy of Philip V of Spain to Francis II Rákóczi, prince of Transylvania. The goal of Boissimène’s mission (acting unimpeded by the duty of crusade which had been decreed in 1716) was to influence Sultan Ahmed III and ensure the continuation of the Austro–Turkish war which kept the Emperor Charles VI’s military forces occupied in his dominions’ eastern border, whilst the king of Spain deployed a military attack on the kingdom of Sardinia – also a dominion of the Emperor. But the envoy was not only a diplomat of Philip V: at the same time, he was also an informer of the French Regent, the Duke of Orléans. The overlapping of these functions leads us to assess and analyze the intertwining interests of the two Bourbon monarchies, the French and the Spanish one, while they both take part in a conflict – the War of The Quadruple Alliance – where they are on opposite sides.

200 DE ANI DE LA REVOLUȚIA GREACĂ

Author(s): I. Gabriel Năstase / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 47/2021

The Romanian Academy hosted an outdoor exhibition, with Greek personalities who played a role in Romanian history, leaving traces of reference. The event, „Greek personalities who played a role in the history of Romanians, from antiquity to the present day”, surprised by its originality, respectively by associating these personalities with the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the War of Independence, also known as the Greek Revolution. 

PAPA INOCENȚIU AL III-LEA ÎNTRE INTEGRITATE TEOLOGICĂ ȘI INTEGRISM POLITIC

Author(s): Şerban Turcuş / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2020

Innocent III is considered the most important pope of the Middle Ages, both for his pastoral and disciplinary contribution, but especially for his theological, juridical and ecclesiological work that strongly marks the medieval theocracy and the activity of subordination of the Empire and kingdoms. Creatively using the Old and New Testaments, he arrogates a power that surpasses any other earthly power meant to serve a single purpose: to establish a Christian society subject to God in its entirety and which, under the tutelage of the bishop of Rome, is a sub-heavenly society in which reigns harmony and peace. Of course, Innocent’s vision, beyond the principles of Christian integrity, also experienced an integralism, some call it Catholic, which definitively lays the foundations of Catholic militancy that characterized the evolution of Europe in the late medieval era with echoes to this day.

BETWEEN OLD AUSTRIA AND NEW FOES: ITALY AND THE YUGOSLAV PROJECT (1917-18)

Author(s): Giordano Merlicco / Language(s): English Issue: 1-2/2021

After the 1917 Corfu Declaration several Italian political circles adopted a warm approach towards Yugoslav unity. Following Mazzini’s ideas, democratic interventionists had claimed since the beginning of the war a policy based on the national principle. They were eventually joined by more conservative sectors, which believed the international context had radically changed since 1915 and therefore it was necessary to make a general reappraisal of Italy’s war aims. They favoured a deal with Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee in order to destabilize the Austrian Empire and agree a mutually acceptable definition of the common border. Minister of Foreign Affairs Sonnino instead believed that Italian war aims had been fixed once and for all in 1915 and refused both direct talks and a reappraisal of Italian war aims. Lacking a bilateral deal with Serbs/Yugoslavs,Rome finally found itself helpless at the peace negotiations, when Paris and London backtracked from the promises made in 1915.

ANEKSIONA KRIZA I SRPSKO PITANJE 1908-1909.

Author(s): Filip D. Vučetić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2021

By the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878, Austra-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, although it was still the territory of the Ottoman Empire. The entry of the Austrian military and civilian authorities into Bosnia and Herzegovina was the first step of the German penetration to the east. From 1878, Vienna had carefully been preparing the annexation and the the right moment for it was 1908. Defeated in the war withJapan, and shaken by the revolution in 1905,Russia was unable to react. The annexation, carried out by Vienna, caused dissatisfaction in Cetinje and Belgrade.Serbia and Montenegro were ready to get into war for their rights.For the above-mentioned reasons, Russia was not ready for war, so Serbia and Montenegro had to withdraw, failing to receive even territorial compensation for the loss of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

ПЕТАР АНДРЕЈЕВИЧ ШУВАЛОВ: БИЉЕШКЕ О БЕРЛИНСКОМ КОНГРЕСУ

Author(s): Radoslav Raspopović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2021

The paper is based on the memoirs of Count Peter Andreyevich Shuvalov, the second plenipotentiary representative of the Russian Empire at the Berlin Congress. The remarks made by P.A. Shuvalov regarding the work of the Congress are kept as a written record in the Russian State Historical Archive (RGIA) in St. Petersburg, in the fund of the Office of the Minister of Finance. The significance of the Congress and the significance of the person who wrote down his own account of the said events, make this document unique among the documents on the work of the Congress.

Magyar–kínai kapcsolatok 1949–1989

Author(s): Mózes Csoma / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2021

“Mao Ce-tung elvtárs igen behatóan érdeklődött a magyarországi helyzet iránt”: Magyar–kínai kapcsolatok 1949–1989 [“Comrade Mao Zedong took a very close interest in the situation in Hungary”: Sino–Hungarian relations 1949–1989]. By Péter Vámos. Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2021. 878 pp

РАЗРАБОТКА СИСТЕМЫ МОБИЛИЗАЦИОННОГО ПЛАНИРОВАНИЯ ЖЕЛЕЗНОДОРОЖНОГО ТРАНСПОРТА НА СЕВЕРО-ЗАПАДЕ СССР

Author(s): Oksana Yurievna Repukhova,Anton A. Malyshko / Language(s): Russian Issue: 8/2021

Otmán Hásem tunéziai miniszter diplomáciai útja az Egyesült Államok keleti partján

Author(s): Zsolt Palotás / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2021

On October 3, 1865 a special representative of the Bey of Tunis arrived at the port of New York by the steamship RMS Persia. This was the second time in the history of Tunisian–U.S. relations since 1805–1806 that a Tunisian diplomat and his suite visited the United States. The Tunisian embassy, led by General Otman Hashem consisted four member. The Bey sent his envoys with a portrait of him and an official letter to congratulate President Andrew Johnson on the termination of the Civil War. Hashem also brought another letter for Mary Todd Lincoln in which the Bey expressed his condolences over the death of her husband. The representative visited several cities of the East Coast from October 3 to November 22. The American press reported extensively and on the daily basis that the Tunisians met several local and federal leaders, military and naval officers, and ordinary citizens during this time period.

Western European Diplomacy: the Council of Europe and Humanitarian Aid in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970

Author(s): Oluchukwu Ignatus Onianwa / Language(s): English Issue: 28/2021

This paper examines how the CoE championed the campaign for Western European humanitarian assistance to the victims of the Nigerian Civil War. While it interrogates the salient resolutions of the Council adopted on humanitarian action of the conflict, the study discusses the assistance of the Western European governments to the relief operations. While the study adopts historical narrative approach for data analysis, it utilizes primary sources such as archival materials obtained from the British National Archives Kew London and the CoE digital archives, and secondary sources such as books for data collection. The threat of hunger and starvation provoked global humanitarian campaign in the civil war. Through its resolutions and recommendations, the CoE had appealed to its member-states to develop collaborative efforts and collective action in the conduct of humanitarian operations of the war within the context of making financial donations, supply of food and medical equipment to those in need. European solidarity based on common moral responsibility influenced the joint humanitarian intervention by the Member States of the CoE. The CoE Member States ensured that the two sides of the conflict negotiated realistic terms for humanitarian operation. The increased human rights voices in Western Europe quickened the humanitarian action undertaken by the CoE. Member States channeled their energy solely in meeting the needs of the affected victims. Thus, for the sake of humanity and in the interests of human life and dignity Western European nations irrespective of their political affiliations and ideologies took giant steps to alleviate the pains of the people in the war zone.