Дипломатия белой России: От императорского МИДа к Совету Послов русского Зарубежья

Author(s): Elena Valerievna Mironova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2001

Революционный 1917 г. разрушил веками складывавшийся уклад Российской империи, ее отлаженный государственный механизм. Однако высоко профессиональное, патриотичное дипломатическое ведомство ≪старой России≫ сумело пережить потрясения двух революций и даже в условиях отсутствия юридического основания своего существования, утратив в результате акций большевиков центральный аппарат в Петрограде, сохранило способность действовать в лице своего Заграничного корпуса. Таким образом, антибольшевистские силы с самого начала гражданской войны и русская эмиграция в межвоенный период располагали квалифицированным, активно отстаивавшим интересы страны, белого движения и оказавшихся за рубежом сограждан дипломатическим ведомством.

The Correspondence between Emperor Leopold I and Johann Adolf of Schwarzenberg (1662–1683)

Author(s): Rostislav Smíšek / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The present study outlines the basic theses of an edition project. The main aim of theproject is to publish about 150 handwritten letters that were sent between 1662 and 1683by Emperor Leopold I. to Johann Adolf of Schwarzenberg, as a member of the PrivyCouncil and later also as the President of the Imperial Privy Council. The letters revealinteresting new facts about the Emperor‘s intellectual world and his personality. Furthermore,the letters also discuss his advisory bodies (e. g. the Privy Council and Privy Conference).Many letters reflect the structure of the decision-making processes within theseadvisory bodies, opinions on appointments to particular offices, the central administrativeauthorities, and the relationship between the various administrative bodies and particularnoblemen or individuals of low birth.

Československá vědecká diplomacie v Japonsku na pozadí transferu technologií: koncepty, strategie a aktéři (1957–1968)

Author(s): Tomáš Gecko / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2019

This case study seeks to understand the dominant concepts, strategies and actors in Czechoslovak scientific diplomacy surrounding the initial stages of the Japanese “economic miracle”, which found strong echoes in the media, academic and political spheres of Communist Czechoslovakia. An integral part of this scientific diplomacy included technology transfers, which unintentionally helped to generate a dichotomy among Czechoslovak natural, technical and humanities specialists.

„Čest a reputace tohoto státu“

Author(s): Irena Kozmanová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2016

The contribution analyses the performance of the Dutch Republic in the system of European„court public“ in the mid-17th century and the drafting of ceremonial-diplomaticpolicy by the States General as participating actors. It states that the Republic, in contrastto domestic political rhetoric, neither broke new ground nor behaved ideologically fromthe inside to the outside, as it aligned itself to the rules of monarchic society and strivedfor integration. It analyses two cases when the States General sent abroad a „negative“signal that by all appearances broke the rules of diplomatic communication. It shows thatthis did not happen by accident, because of a lacking in competence or for ideological reasons.On the contrary – in the first case (the absence of a marriage gift for the Elector ofBrandenburg) it was the intentional usage of the means of court communication in orderto send out a clear signal to a foreign partner and his local followers by the province ofHolland. In the second case (the ban on accepting diplomatic gifts) it is possible to interpretthis alleged ceremonial faux-pas as a „by-product“ of a domestic development - itsnegative consequences for the image of the Republic abroad were well perceived, howevertaken into consideration.

Political Communication between Prague, Heidelberg and London at the Time of the Bohemian Revolt

Author(s): Pavel Král / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The study focuses on ways and tools of political communication between the Bohemianestates and the Stuart England. Besides searching for main communication channelsamong the Czech lands, the Palatinate and England, the main goal of the study isto identify who the principal actors of this communication were and what centres theyused. Objects of interest include a reconstruction of communication and correspondencenetworks established by these key stakeholders and the ways they used to achieve theiraims. Basic sources are the correspondence of diplomatic, political and military representativesof the English court, the Elector Palatine and the Kingdom of Bohemia. Thecommunication of the Bohemian estates with the English royal court was never directduring the Bohemian Revolt. The Estates resorted to mediating roles of the Palatinateand Dutch General Estates. Their attempts at correspondence with the English Kingremained largely unanswered. The Bohemian matters were also a part of correspondencebetween James I and Frederick V of the Palatine and his wife Elizabeth Stuart, but usuallyit was treated just formally and diplomatically. Key actors of the political communicationincluded members of the diplomatic missions of the English royal court and the court ofthe Elector Palatine in Heidelberg. On the Palatinate side, diplomatic tasks were assignedmainly to members of the Palatine council, namely Volrad of Plessen, Christopher ofDohna and Achatius of Dohna, who visited London several times and held talks with theKing or secretaries state. The English diplomatic network seems more professional. Fromthe perspective of the political communication of the Bohemian Revolt, the intelligenceheadquarters built in The Hague by English ambassador Dudley Carleton seems essential.English ambassadors gathered information in the place of their residence, but when it wasnecessary they turned into ambassadors extraordinary into politically unstable areas, suchas Central Europe in the early seventeenth century. Sometimes, individuals with littlediplomatic experience were appointed envoys. For the English interests in the Palatinateand later in Prague, personal secretaries of Elizabeth Stuart were of essential importance.Last but not least, diplomatic tasks were fulfilled also by English military commanders inthe Kingdom of Bohemia.

The Place and History of the Activities of Kazakhstan in the United Nations Organization (1991 – 2016)

Author(s): Gani Karasayev,Zhandos N. Zhaxygeldinov,Kanat A. Yensenov,Bekmurat R. Naimanbayev,Zhanat S. Bakirova / Language(s): English Issue: 45/2019

This research article considers the activities of the United Nations Organization, international relations, safety and reconciliation of the world states. Moreover, the paper informs about the First President of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev’s speeches at international UNO conferences of international importance, his world and global initiatives, including the decision to non￾proliferation of nuclear weapons that has been supported throughout the world. Obviously, these initiatives have been supported by Secretary General UN Ban Ki – moon and others and have been concluded as one of the most important events and historical missions in modern history. The membership of Kazakhstan in the United Nations, its involvement in solving global problems, views and proposals of Kazakhstan on keeping peace and harmony among the world's nations have been well-recognized throughout the world. Kazakhstan connecting Europe and Asia on the transit route as a Eurasian country is situated geopolitically convenient. It occupies the 9th place on the world map. The population of the country is 18 million. The First President of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev is a globally recognized politician. Its recommendations and initiatives have been recognized worldwide. Therefore, it is obvious that the history of international relations and the activities of international organizations should be studied from historical view.

Carmen insignis Coronae Bohemiae, un appel à la paix chrétienne dans la tourmente hussite

Author(s): Marie Bláhová / Language(s): French Issue: 2/2019

The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria

Author(s): Michael Dudzik / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris government bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene.

Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943

Author(s): Mikuláš Touška / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, paradoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other dominions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nationalist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-conservative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the opposition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence.

Císařský vyslanec Josef Klement z Kounic na cestě po jižním Švédsku a východním pobřeží Dánska v létě roku 1776

Author(s): Veronika Hřebíková / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2021

This text focuses on a tour of southern Sweden undertaken by the imperial envoy Josef Klement of Kounice in the summer of 1776. The count was active in Sweden from 1775 to 1777. On the basis of a French-language travelogue, it is possible to compile the itinerary that took Kounic to, for example, Gothenburg, Landskrona, Karlskrona and, briefly, to Copenhagen, Denmark. During his travels, the count became familiar with the country and its system of government, as well as the state of its armed forces and fortifications, which he was then able to put to good use in performing his service.

Postoj Saska k přenesení falcké kurfiřtské hodnosti na bavorského vévodu Maxmiliána I. v letech 1619 až 1623

Author(s): Václav Bůžek / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2021

The consequences of the defeat of the Bohemian Uprising (1618–1620) included the disintegrationof the fragile religious balance between Protestants and Catholics in the HolyRoman Empire, where a struggle to transfer the office of Elector Palatine t

SSSR I PITANJE ORGANIZOVANJA ORUŽANOG OTPORA U CRNOJ GORI 1941. GODINE

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2022

Based on unpublished and until now mostly unknown documents of the Soviet diplomatic services and central organs of the Comintern, as well as existing historiography and memoir literature, this paper analyzes the Soviet view of the consequences of the Yugoslav military collapse during the April War, the character of the division of Yugoslav territory with special reference to the territory of Montenegro, the establishment of the occupation system and preparations for the organization of armed resistance. The paper contains an overview of various Soviet activities in terms of preserving and expanding its intelligence network and organizing armed de- tachments intended for guerrilla warfare. It points to the dual nature of Soviet actions through military-diplomatic and intelligence organs that acted in cooperation with official state organs, civic political groups and Comintern organs that exerted their influence through the extensive illegal network of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.Based on unpublished and until now mostly unknown documents of the Soviet diplomatic services and central organs of the Co- mintern, as well as existing historiography and memoir literature, this paper analyzes the Soviet view of the consequences of the Yugoslav military col- lapse during the April War, the character of the division of Yugoslav territo- ry with special reference to the territory of Montenegro, the establishment of the occupation system and preparations for the organization of armed resistance. The paper contains an overview of various Soviet activities in terms of preserving and expanding its intelligence network and organizing armed de- tachments intended for guerrilla warfare. It points to the dual nature of Soviet actions through military-diplomatic and intelligence organs that acted in cooperation with official state organs, civic political groups and Comintern organs that exerted their influence through the extensive illegal network of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.

Czy Stanisław Szafraniec odbył legację do Bajazyda II? Kulisy dyplomacji osmańsko-jagiellońskiej w pierwszych latach panowania Zygmunta I

Author(s): Marcin Janakowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The beginnings of Sigismund I the Old’s reign, despite the lack of sources, have been of interest to researchers for a long time. The achievements of Polish historiography have illuminated the first years of the Jagiellon king’s rule in the Kingdom of Poland relatively well, slightly less comprehensively in Lithuania. Much less space has been devoted to the development of Sigismund I the Old’s foreign policy and its practical implementation, understood as establishing diplomatic relations with foreign royal courts. Thanks to the insightful works of Krzysztof Baczkowski, studies on Polish-Hungarian relations are a positive exception to the general rule. If we want to continue research on the formation of Sigismund I’s diplomacy, it is impossible to ignore the problem of Polish-Turkish relations, also in the international aspect. In studying the subject it is important to pay attention to issues such as the organisation, costs, technical solutions, and personal aspects of parliamentary missions. In my opinion, the figure of Stanisław Szafraniec, Starykoń coat of arms, and his role in the foreign policy of Sigismund I is a good example upon which to base the discussion of the above-mentioned issues.

Винсент Д’абернон и Франко-Британская Военно-Дипломатическая миссия в Польше (1920 г.)

Author(s): Nikita D. Sorokin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2022

The conclusion of the Riga Peace Treaty in 1921, which put an end to the Soviet-Polish war of 1919—1921, was a direct consequence of the defeat of the Red Army in August 1920. A number of researchers associate the success of the Polish army exclusively with the military genius of the Polish leader Joseph Pilsudski, forgetting that during those fateful days a Franco-British military-diplomatic mission worked in Warsaw, one of the leaders of which was the Englishman Lord Vincent d’Abernon. This article examines the role and place of the Franco-British military-diplomatic mission in the “Miracle on the Vistula”, as well as the personal contribution of d’Abernon to the victory of the Allies. The author pays special attention to the issues of relations between the members of the mission with the Polish political and military establishment, as well as the diplomatic efforts that were undertaken by d’Abernon in the course of consolidating the positions of London and Paris and broadcasting these instructions to Warsaw. The author used the historical method as a technique for analyzing numerous diaries and memoirs of participants of those events, as well as a historical and systematic method that allows placing the studied events in the context of the architecture of international relations on the European continent of the period under study. As a result of the work done, the author comes to the following basic conclusions: 1) the success of the Polish army in the Battle of Warsaw is directly related to the implementation by Pilsudski of those organizational and military-tactical recommendations that were given by the Franco-British military-diplomatic mission; 2) the key role in the “Miracle on the Vistula” was played by the political and military support of Poland by Britain and France, which, in turn, was made possible by the provision of timely and highly accurate analysis of events by Lord d’Abernon; 3) the “dirty diplomatic game” that Moscow conducted with Warsaw and members of the mission helped d’Abernon to develop an approach to dealing with the “Soviet threat” as His Majesty’s ambassador in Berlin.

Обнова дипломатских односа Југославије и Румуније после Другог светског рата

Author(s): Vladimir Lj. Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2022

Based on Yugoslav archival sources and relevant literature, the paper examines the process of normalization of diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Romania after the Second World War. Despite mutual interest, the normalization didn’t come easy and it was heavily affected by numerous factors like the way that relations were broken off in 1941, the interests and influence of the Soviet Union, and the internal situation in Romania. The process that began in September 1944 ended in February 1946.

Koncert życzeń – żądania francuskie w negocjacjach gospodarczych z Polską w latach 1933–1935

Author(s): Anna Ambrochowicz-Gajownik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 23/2020

The 1930s were not easy in economic relations between Poland and France. Both countries felt the effects of the economic crisis very strongly. He contributed to ban the import, that was called as a quota policy. Then he forced France to protect its own market by limiting imports in favor of promoting exports. In Poland, the factor deepening the crisis was the outflow of foreign capital. Another manifestation of divergence in bilateral relations was the way of conducting negotiations. France was focused on conducting talks in a punctual, rather than holistic, manner. The Polish side preferred the latter solution because it allowed for the balancing of the trade balance with the payment balance. In the years 1933–1935, Polish-French economic relations resembled a kind of wish concert, in which the dominant role was played by the French side. The conditions it imposed were most often unfavorable to the second partner, which also caused numerous tensions.

Postawa emigracji polskiej we Francji wobec działań dyplomatycznych Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej w przededniu II wojny światowej. Zarys problematyki

Author(s): Anna Ambrochowicz-Gajownik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 109/2021

The events that took place on the international arena were of great concern to the circles of Polish emigration in France. Consequently, they proclaimed their readiness to initiate activities aimed at organizing mobilization in case of war. Due to the lack of decisive action by the Polish and French authorities, two centers overseeing the process of voluntary recruitment were established. The first one, Związek Oficerów Rezerwy (ZOR), was founded in Paris, whereas the second one, Centralny Komitet Obywatelski (CKO), in Lille. Greater involvement was clearly evident in case of the former organization. Indeed, it was this organization that indicated unusual tardiness of the Polish authorities in the context of mobilizing Polish emigrants in the event of war. CKO was noticeably influenced by the Polish consulate in Lille. Organized by ZOR immediately prior to the outbreak of World War II, the volunteer recruitment campaign contributed to the creation of numerous recruitment offices that subsequently formed a larger organizational network. It existed continuously until the first half of September 1939.

Aktorzy subpaństwowi jako podmioty dyplomacji

Author(s): Agata Rydzewska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 9/2021

The aim of the article was to analyse sub-state actors as subjects of diplomacy. In the article, the problem of a subjective evolution of diplomacy and difficulties with contemporary definition of this term were discussed. Furthermore, the issues regarding the scholarly discourse about external activity of sub-state units (terminology and diverse level of advance) was described. The various classification of motives of the foreign actions was presented. In addition, in the article there are examples of the instruments used by sub-state actors.

Спорт (ни)је изнад свега: Олимпијада у Москви 1980. године у перцепцији несврстане Југославије

Author(s): Jovana Perišić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2022

In the context of studying the Cold War, based on Yugoslav archives, relevant domestic and foreign literature, as well as examples from the Yugoslav press, the paper perceives the position of the Yugoslavia and its correlation with the blocs at the Summer Olympic Games in Moscow in 1980. The analysis of the participation of Yugoslav athletes in the Olympics gives us the answer to the extent to which Yugoslav sport has followed the current political and ideological trends in the world, that is, causally depending on it.

Franco-Ottoman Diplomatic Relations and the Secret du Roi, 1756–1774

Author(s): Sébastien Flynn / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

The Secret du Roi was Louis XV’s secret foreign policy from approximately 1745 until his death in 1774. This article analyzes Franco-Ottoman diplomatic relations from 1756 to 1774 by using the Secret du Roi as a source. By examining the Secret du Roi, this article shows France’s hostility towards Russia and elaborates on France’s preference for having close diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire instead of Russia. The second half of this article elaborates on France’s confidence in the Ottoman Empire’s political and military capabilities, and why they thought the Ottomans would do well against Russia in 1768.