CEEOL - Browse Subjects Result

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

PAX AMERICANA. REPUBLIKA BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I MEĐUNARODNA DIPLOMATIJA OD VAŠINGTONSKOG DO DEJTONSKOG MIROVNOG SPORAZUMA (18. III 1994 – 21. XI 1995)

Author(s): Zijad Šehić / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

On the basis of the reference literature and diplomatic sources, the author considers the plans and activities of the international community to end the war in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from the Washington to the Dayton Peace Agreement. Special attention is devoted to the events that had influenced the change of former US policy and its more active engagement. The analysis of international diplomacy and attitudes of various countries towards the developments in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointed to the complexity of achieving a peace agreement for which the United States had to try out various strategies and seek different solutions, whereby a significant role was played by the situation at its inner-political scene. Author pays special attention to the events that paved the way for a peace agreement, as well as the military and political means that had played a key role in achieving peace. Based on the analysis of the provisions and implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, author believes it had ended the war, but did not allow the establishment of a functional state, because the ideologies that had caused the war continued to live and deepen the divisions in BiH society through propaganda and rhetoric. He believes that re-enabling normal life in Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the removal of these structures and the consequences that they have produced and continue to produce, which is why Bosnia and Herzegovina is waiting for support for its European path. He claims that it can only work if the democratic settings, if needed, be even imposed by the international community, which left the project of building the institutions unfinished. If the international community consistently supports this, author believes that the path of accession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the modern European societies will be much shorter and much faster.

More...

Komunitarna tekovina - aquis communautaire

Author(s): Zoran Radivojević / Language(s): Montenegrine Publication Year: 0

Komunitarna tekovina (aquis communautaire) uobičajeno se naziva prvim stubom Evropske unije. Porijeklo ovog termina vezuje se za dvije međuvladine konferencije koje su prethodile usvajanju Ugovora iz Mastrihta. Odluka o održavanju tih konferencija donijeta je na sastanku Evropskog savjeta u Dablinu 1990. godine. Jedna konferencija je imala zadatak da izradi nacrt ugovora o ekonomskoj i monetarnoj uniji, a druga da pripremi nacrt ugovora o političkoj uniji. Na kraju je odlučeno da se umjesto dva izradi samo jedan ugovor o osnivanju Evropske unije i taj je ugovor potpisan u Mastrihtu 1992. godine.

More...

NATIONAL LEVEL IMPLEMENTATION OF DIGITAL DIPLOMACY MECHANISMS AND FUNCTIONS BASED ON EU EXPERIENCE

Author(s): Victor Adrian VEVERA / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

As information and communication technology has developed, its impact has been felt in many areas, including international relations. In the diplomatic field, changes have not been long in coming, while many European countries pioneering the use of the online environment to promote national interests and achieve foreign policy objectives. In this paper, we aim to highlight the main benefits of developing the field of digital diplomacy, the biases that the process has generated and to argue the urgent need to implement these technologies in Romania, based on existing experience in various EU countries.

More...

Търновски принцеси като иноземни владетелки

Author(s): Rumyana Komsalova / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

An important medium of diplomacy during the Middle Ages were the dynastic marriages and a number of Princesses of Tarnovo became foreign rulers. Have they faced the dilemma of acting in the interest of their homeland or to support the policies of their ruling spouses and how much did they have the opportunity to participate actively in the power structures?

More...

Цар Иван Александър и развоят на гражданската война във Византия през 1343 – 1344 г.

Author(s): Momchil Mladenov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The paper presents the key moments of the participation of the Bulgarian state in the Civil war in Byzantium. The author emphasizes the information of the Turkish poet Enveri (15th century). He reports that Bulgaria is part of the sacred alliance organized by the Papacy to fight with emirate of Smirna. Аccording to the author, Tsar Ivan Alexander is part of the Christian coalition. His involvement in Byzantine civil war is a consequence of these diplomatic actions.

More...

Kıbrıs’ın İngiltere’ye Geçici Olarak Devrine Giden Süreçte İngiliz Parlamentosu ve Kamuoyundaki Tartışmalar

Author(s): Gül Çakır / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Cyprus fell out of the hands of the Ottoman Empire after a series of crises towards the end of 19th century, which originally had been under the rule of the empire since 1571. Lands of the Ottoman Empire, defeated in the 1877-1878 Ottoman-Russian War known as the 93 War, came under Russian danger with the Treaty of San Stefano. The fact that the capital of the Ottoman Empire and eastern lands were under Russian threat, and the Russian pressure in the Balkans alarmed England. The British Administration, considering a new mission for the future of India, the Mediterranean and Europe, created a great sensation with the request to use Cyprus as a military base. Britain led the convening of the congress in Berlin to nullify San Stefano and entered a new era in its policies regarding Ottoman Empire. With the Cyprus Convention of June 4, 1878, the British promised to help Ottomans against a possible Russian attack on the Ottoman lands, and aimed to use Cyprus as a base to fulfill this promise. On July 1, 1878, the British gained the right to temporarily settle in Cyprus with an additional agreement. Through this process British Prime Minister Beaconsfield was subject to criticism by liberal wing at the British Parliament. The general arguments of the liberals were as follows. The Cyprus Convention imposed responsibilities on Britain that were difficult to fulfill. It was not a proper method to finalize the agreement secretly before it was presented to the British public. It was believed that the settlement of the British in Cyprus was not a peaceful policy. This project would bring costs and serious liabilities to England. It was believed that there was not enough research before decisions on the island were made. It was implied that the administration added territory to its lands with an imperialist motivation. These were some of the common points of the parliament and the press. When the British landed on the island, the opposition's accuracy in these predictions emerged one by one. They could not achieve their goals. Due Liberals taking power in 1880, and the occupation of Egypt, Cyprus was no longer suitable for British goals. However, the Liberals neither left Cyprus when they came to power, nor they give it back to the Ottoman Empire.

More...

Millî Eğitim Bakanlığı Lise Ders Kitapları’na Göre Lozan Antlaşması

Author(s): Seher Akça / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

After the Greeks occupied İzmir on May 15, 1919, they started to advance towards Ankara from several directions. The Turkish Nation first tried to stop this progress with the Kuvâ-yı Millîye Organization, but it was unsuccessful. Thereupon, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was opened in Ankara on April 23, 1920. The Turkish Grand National Assembly established a regular army to stop the Greek advance. On the Western Front, the regular army won the First Battle of İnönü on 6-10 January 1921, the Second İnönü Battle on 23-31 March 1921 and battle of Sakarya on 13 September 1921. On August 26, 1922, under the command of Commander-in-Chief Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the Turkish Army launched the Great Offensive from Afyon and reached Izmir on September 9, 1922. Between 3-11 October 1922, The Mudanya Armistice was signed as a result of the negotiations held in Mudanya, a small town on the Marmara Sea. After the Mudanya Armistice, the Ankara Government and the representatives of the Allied Powers gathered for a conference in Lausanne. The Lausanne Peace Treaty was signed between the Ankara Government and the Allied Powers on July 24, 1923. With this treaty, the Ankara Government was officially recognized by the Western States. In this article, how the Treaty of Lausanne was made, what were the solved and unsolved problems in Lausanne, and what were the similarities and differences between the the Turkish Republic History textbooks, prepared for high schools by the Ministry of National Education in the years 1934, 1958, 1973, 1976 and 2000, have been examined in detail.

More...

The Effects of Russia on Central Asia Politics: After the Fall of Soviet Union

Author(s): Farahila Babayeva-Shukurova / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this article, Russia’s foreign policy towards the Central Asian countries after gaining its independence was examined. The questions determined as research questions were answered and examined in a detailed and understandable way. I have divided my study in three parts. In the first chapter, I have analyzed the general politics between the Russian diplomacy. We divided Russia’s process after 1991 into two parts and examined Boris Yeltsin’s foreign policy preferences towards Central Asia and Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy preferences towards Central Asia. We mentioned that these two presidents have different attitudes. We will examine our investigations in this section in more detail later in our research.

More...

4.90 €

AUSTRO-UGARSKA RATNA DIPLOMACIJA I TALIJANSKO RATIŠTE

Author(s): Livia Kardum / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Field Marshal Svetozar Borojević was one of the commanders of the Isonzo front, which was crucial to the survival of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, albeit primarily for political rather than military reasons. At the beginning of the war, Austro-Hungarian territory inhabited by Slavs was subject to diplomatic disputes that assumed the character of a virtual bidding war, in which the members of the Triple Entente generously pledged the territory of their opponents to Italy which, after its initial neutrality, was thus enticed to join the war after the Treaty of London was signed. Given Italy’s military strength, this aroused moral condemnation rather than actual concern by the Austro-Hungarian political and military elite, and the Austro-Hungarian/Italian front on the Isonzo, or Soča, River served as an example of how the motivation of an army under arduous combat conditions, led by an exemplary commander and strategist, is a very vital factor in mounting a successful defence against a numerically superior enemy. It is paradoxical that it was precisely the success of the Austro-Hungarian Army on this front, which culminated in the Battle of Caporetto, one of the rare brilliant victories of the entire First World War, when Italian soldiers began to massively flee and desert to an extent unseen previously, also indirectly prevented the sole serious and promising Austro-Hungarian diplomatic attempt to withdraw from the war and save the majority of its own territory, which was initiated by the Emperor Charles himself. Secret negotiations between France and Great Britain broke down due to this largely Slavic region to which Italy aspired and which had been promised to it by the Treaty of London in 1915. The emperor could certainly not relinquish to Italy a territory that it was unable to conquer on its own despite the numerical superiority of its army, all the more so since the Italian military command secretly, without the knowledge of its own government or allies, initiated a peace offer to the Austro-Hungarian side. Svetozar Borojević also distinguished himself as a sound strategist at that trying moment when the Isonzo troops had to retreat not just because of the considerable military aid in men and arms that Italy received from its allies but also due to the complete internal disarray of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Even under these circumstances, when Borojević, loyal to the Monarchy to the end, had to withdraw his army, the Italians progressed very indecisively and slowly, even though they practically had no enemy army to confront. This is why the subsequent Italian annexation of these Slavic territories became a heavy political burden for the new Yugoslav state as well.

More...

4.90 €

KONTAKTI IZMEĐU FRANA BARCA I SVETOZARA BOROEVIĆA TIJEKOM PRVOG SVJETSKOG RATA

Author(s): Ivica Zvonar / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Utilizing unexplored archival sources, newspapers and existing scholarly literature, the author shows the contacts between Dr. Fran Barac and Svetozar Boroević during the First World War. Namely, Barac was politician who maintained good relations with political organizations Jugoslavenski odbor (Yugoslav Committee) and Srpski presbiro (Serbian Press-bureau) in Switzerland. Boroević was the famous Austro-Hungarian general. Their relationships were interesting. For example, Barac was the head of the University of Zagreb (1915/1916), when Boroević got an honorary doctorate. Also, Ivan Meštrović, Barac’s contemporary, mentioned their political negotiations, because there were any possibility that Boroević with his army joined to the Triple Entente.

More...

4.90 €

Solidarnost u doba krize: rimski kardinal „zaštitnik” i Dubrovačka Republika tijekom velikih izazova 17. stoljeća

Author(s): Nikša Varezić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The institution of the cardinal “protector” represented a link between the various subjects (nations, cities, ecclesiastical orders, etc.) and the Roman Curia, wherein that high-ranking cleric supported the interests of the citizens he represented as his “clients”. Since the Middle Ages, Dubrovnik had been developing intimate relationships with Rome, which were not only ecclesiastical. The geostrategic position of Dubrovnik was of great importance to the Roman Curia, especially due to the opportunities that Dubrovnik could provide to Rome within broader geopolitical interests. Such a geographic position required the constant caution of the Dubrovnik government, always focused on the Holy See, upon whose protection within western international politics the Dubrovnik Republic could always rely. The seventeenth century was a period of intensive struggle for the preservation of the political and economic integrity of Dubrovnik. Seicento represented a very difﬁcult period of foreign pressures for Papal Rome, so it was even harder for the Dubrovnik Senate to attract the attention of the Curia. Along with the traditional diplomatic perseverance of the Republic, the extraordinary engagement of Dubrovnik’s patron, Cardinal Francesco Barberini, contributed to the maintenance of the centuries-old sensibility of the Holy See towards the needs of the Republic of St. Blaise. This fact seems to be even more signiﬁcant since it refers to a particularly dramatic period of the Canadian War and the period after the Great Earthquake of 1667. Due to the all the temptations that confronted the Holy See within international politics in the same period, it would be difﬁcult to expect that Rome could be focused on Dubrovnik’s requests. But, thanks to the engagement of Cardinal Barberini, among others, the ﬁnal outcome proved to be contrary to such an expectation.

More...

4.90 €

Savez Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije i bana Ivana Skerlecza u upravljanju Hrvatskom u vrijeme Prvoga svjetskog rata – značaj i posljedice

Author(s): Ivan BULIĆ / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

At the end of the First World War an attempt was made to put into effect political projects which had been defined in an earlier time period. The 1913 parliamentary elections signified an end to previously irreconcilable political notions of solving the Croatian question which resulted in a suspension of constitutionality, the introduction of a commissariat, and assassinations. A change in policy toward Croatia was expressed through two actions: an agreement with the Croat-Serb Coalition and the nomination of Ivan Skerlecz as commissar. Upon becoming Ban (governor), the prospect of an agreement with the Coalition provided him with a significant influence on the government. The politics of the Croat-Serb Coalition during the First World War can be viewed on various levels. Accepting the terms of an agreement with the Hungarian government ensured it of a political position, which in the end enabled it with a mandate in constitutional discussions. The conditions surrounding Skerlecz’s administration of Croatia can be evaluated against internal and external political factors which placed him and the Coalition in the midst of key processes during the First World War.

More...

4.90 €

Slušanje dobroga ili zlog anđela: Svibanjska deklaracija 1917. i propast srednjoeuropske Monarhije

Author(s): Jure Krišto / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Before the beginning of WWI, Croats, Slovenes, and other Slav peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were clearly dissatisfied with its dual organization, which privileged the Germans and Hungarians. Croats were also frustrated because while Dalmatia and Istria administered by the Austrian part of the Monarchy, Croatia-Slavonia were under the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, and Bosnia and Herzegovina were under the governance of the common Ministry of finances. It is therefore not surprising that several proposals for the reformation of the Monarchy had been put forward by the South Slav politicians, nor that all of them called for the unification of the Croatian lands. Three years into the war, the Yugoslav Club of the Emperor’s Council issued on May 30, 1917 a declaration that requested the formation on the territories inhabited by the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs of an independent state, but under the Hapsburg scepter. The request was made on the basis of the national principle and the Croat state right. The May Declaration initiated controversies among Croatian politicians and political parties, but it also began a movement to accept the program of the Declaration. The most enthusiastic supporters were the leaders and the membership of the Catholic organizations. The author highlights the political situation that led toward the issuing of the Declaration, the controversies that surrounded its promotion, and its political consequences. In the end, he draws two conclusions.

More...

4.90 €

OCJENA SPORAZUMA CVETKOVIĆ-MAČEK I DRŽAVNOG UDARA 27. OŽUJKA 1941.

Author(s): Krešimir Regan / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Banovina Hrvatska was Croatian nation’s political and territorial unit in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia that enjoyed a high level of autonomy from the central government. It was established on August 26, 1939 when Vladko Maček, the president of the Croatian Peasants’ Party and the representative of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition, signed an agreement with Dragiša Cvetković, the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the representative of the Yugoslav Radical Union. By granting Croats this autonomy, the political circles in Belgrade with the regent Prince Pavle at the helm aimed to solve the question of Croatian national and territorial individuality in the Yugoslav state (the Croatian question), and thus give the Kingdom of Yugoslavia internal political stability in the circumstances of growingly tense political relations in Europe in the eve of World War II. The establishment of Banovina Hrvatska was the beginning of an internal political reform whose ultimate objective was to transform the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from a unitary country into a federation. In this project Dravska banovina was supposed to be converted into Banovina Slovenija with Slovenes as its dominant population, and the entire territory east of Banovina Hrvatska, in which the Serbs constituted the relative majority, was supposed to be joined into a political and territorial unit called The Serbian Territories. This plan had its opponents both on Serbian and on Croatian side. Croats felt that they had a historical right to Vrbaska banovina, as this territory had been a part of the Kingdom of Croatia throughout the Middle Ages, and they also felt that they had a right to entire Syrmia, as it had been a part of the former Austro-Hungarian Triune Kingdom of Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia until 1922. Serbs, on the other hand, felt that they had a historical right to the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Opponents of the reform assembled around the Serbian Cultural Club were especially active among the latter, and so were some officers of the Yugoslav Army, who brought down the Cvetković-Maček government in a coup on March 27, 1941, thus putting an end to the reform that had just begun. There is no dilemma that these events were the subject of Tuđman’s professional interest, but some of his close friends and political associates (Stipe Mesić, Josip Manolić, Dušan Bilandžić, Petar Kriste) and some of the journalists (Branko Tuđen, Tihomir Ponoš, Darko Hudelist, Marinko Čulić, and others) advocate the thesis that Banovina Hrvatska was an obsession for Tuđman, that he was burdened by historicism, Banovina Hrvatska in particular, that he moved into «the field of conservative Croatian ideology and politics» by «identifying» himself with Maček and by studying the agreement on Banovina Hrvatska, and that he had accordingly striven to set up the independent Republic of Croatia within the historical boundaries of Banovina Hrvatska in the first half of the 1990s.

More...

4.90 €

“Slučaj Mihajlov’’ u bilješkama diplomatskih predstavnika Velike Britanije 1966.

Author(s): Katarina Spehnjak / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

This article provides a brief overview of the activities of Mihajlo Mihajlov in 1966, while documents about his activities found among the diplomatic papers of Great Britain form the basis of an understanding of British attitudes toward dissidents in Yugoslavia. An academic assistant at the University of Zadar, Mihajlov, due to his literary work (the travel-essay Ljeto moskovsko 1964) and his political activities, was from 1965 to 1975 sentenced and jailed on a few occasions. Ideologically similar to dissident Milovan Djilas, Mihajlov in 1966 gathered around himself a group of intellectuals and artists from several Yugoslavian cities with the aim of launching an independent opposition newspaper. There was great interest in his literary work and political analysis in the west. In 1978 he moved to the United States. On the basis of documents from British diplomatic representatives in Yugoslavia in 1966 the second part of this article provides a study of the British attitude toward the “Mihajlov case.” Though partial, this analysis shows that the official politics of the western countries approached the theme of Yugoslav dissidents more carefully than in the case of dissidents from the eastern bloc. An evaluation of the activities of Mihajlov as well as the reaction of the Yugoslavian authorities is seen to indicate a certain amount of restraint.

More...

5.00 €

l testamento del gran dragomanno veneto Gian Rinaldo Carli senior (c. 1646-† 1722)

Author(s): Cristian Luca / Language(s): Italian Publication Year: 0

Gian Rinaldo Carli Senior (c. 1646, Capodistria-† 27 giugno 1722, Costantinopoli), figlio di Girolamo Carli e Bradamante Tarsia700, molto probabilmente fu accolto tra le fila degli apprendisti dragomanni del bailaggio veneto presso la Porta per intercessione dei parenti materni, i Tarsia giustinopolitani trapiantati a Costantinopoli. In questa città i Tarsia, dal secondo decennio del XVII secolo, avevano ottenuto l’accesso ereditario alla carica di interprete della rappresentanza diplomatica e consolare della Serenissima.

More...

5.00 €

Konkordat apo protektorat i kultit? Monarkia Austriake dhe aktivitetet diplomatike te Selise se Shenjte ne Evropen Juglindore 1878-1914

Author(s): Andreas Gottsmann / Language(s): Albanian Publication Year: 0

Rënia graduale e Perandorisë Osmane në gjysmën e dytë të shek. 19 në Evropën Juglindore la një boshllëk të pushtetit i cili do ta vë në pikëpyetje rendin e paqes evropiane të arritur në Kongresin e Vjenës. Përpjekjet e popujve të Ballkanit për pavarësi hasin në simpati gjithkund në Evropë e sidomos tek qarqet romantike liberale.

More...

5.00 €

Perspectives on U. S.-Albanian Relations

Author(s): Nikola PANO / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In his book Diplomacia amerikane dhe Shqiperia Leonard Demi observes, “The ties between Albanians and America do not begin on the date of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Albania and the United States of America, but long before that time, around the end of the 19th century.” (p. 9) Although Demi is referring specifically in his observation to the arrival in 1892 of the first group of Albanian immigrants who settled permanently in the United States, it is also true that a small, but growing number of Americans had during the 19th century become aware of the existence of the Albanian people and their national hero, Skenderbeg.

More...

The Political Context and the Making of the Czech Foreign Policy in 2007–2009

Author(s): Michal Kořan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter is an introduction to the political, conceptual and institutional context of the Czech foreign policy (CFP) in 2007–2009. The ﬁrst part of the chapter will focus on the conceptual and political background of the CFP and it will be followed by an analysis of the involvement and the roles of the main actors.

More...

Závěrem: Český nezájem se prosazuje

Author(s): Petr Drulák / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Lze očekávat, že budoucí analýzy české politiky budou chápat rok 2009 jako významný mezník českého politického vývoje. Zůstává však otázkou, zda bude považován za bod, v němž česká politika dosahuje svého dna, aby se odrazila k očistě a obnově v rámci stávajícího systému, či za moment, v němž začíná volný pád končící krachem českého pokusu o liberální demokracii. V české zahraniční politice se tento rok, bohatý na události, projevil hlubokými otřesy jejích dvou základních ideo-vých orientací – evropské a atlantické. Právě analýzou těchto otřesů začíná naše závěrečné shrnutí. Následovat budou úvahy o některých dalších důležitých událostech předchozího roku.

More...