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The thesis deals with the corporate social policy applied in the sugar and beet industries in Pre-Munich Czechoslovakia. After the First World War, when the economy was subject to high inflation and a general shortage, the sugar and beet industries offered generous wage policies to prevent strikes. With the waning of post-war problems, the wage policy in the sugar and beet industries was relatively flexible in adapting to market trends. In 1926, Czechoslovak sugar industry and sugar beet farmers got into economic difficulties, but it was not possible to reduce wages because of the strike in the sugar industry. Since then, relatively high wages remained in the sugar industry, irrespective of market trends, which led to extensive redundancies and reduced production. In the sugar beet industry, where workers were not so well organized, wage formation was much better adapted to market trends, especially for task rates. Central Union of Czechoslovak Sugar Beet Growers and Umbrella Organization of the Czechoslovak Sugar Industry also supported charity. Especially hospitals, libraries, schools, poor pupils and farmers were sponsored. The Sugar Industry was also a successful lobby group in enforcing laws favorable to it.
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Starting with the Ninth Congress of the Romanian Communist Party (19-24 July 1965), with the adoption of the new Constitution and the proclamation of the Socialist Republic of Romania (August 21, 1965), a new stage was opened in the history of Dobruja. In the evolution of Dobruja agriculture, in the period 1965-1989, the importance of a rational structure of cultures was determined, depending on the pedo-climatic conditions and the interests of the national economy. In the period 1965-1989 Dobruja represented a significant agricultural source in the Romanian economy.
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The beginning of the twentieth century is a time of the development of official statistics in European countries. Due to the lack of its own independent state, it was not possible to publish a Yearbook of Poland at the time. In this context, the Polish Statistical Association (PSA) was founded in Cracow in 1912. One of its main tasks was to merge statistical information on Polish lands dispersed among statistical offices of Russia, Germany and Austria and to issue its own statistical yearbooks for Polish lands and their population. Before the beginning of World War I, the PSA was able to prepare the publication Statistics of Poland, printed in 1915, whose main authors were: A. Krzyżanowski and K. W. Kumaniecki. Many people from the intellectual elite of the country were involved in the project. The territorial scope of Statistics of Poland is interesting. It covers the territory of the first Polish Republic and the area of Upper Silesia and the southern Masuria, where Poles were the majority. Statistical data contained in Statistics of Poland amaze by their abundance even today. The importance of Statistics of Poland is that it gave arguments for the Polish delegation in the conduct of the discussions on the shape of the territory of reborn Poland in 1918 carried out at the peace conference in Versailles. // Początek XX wieku to czas rozwoju statystyki publicznej w krajach europejskich. Ze względu na brak własnego państwa nie było możliwości publikowania rocznika statystycznego ziem polskich. W tym kontekście w 1912 roku w Krakowie powstało Polskie Towarzystwo Statystyczne, którego jednym z głównych zadań było scalanie informacji statystycznej rozproszonej w publikacjach urzędów statystycznych państw zaborczych i wydawanie własnych prac na kształt roczników statystycznych ziem i ludności polskiej. Do wybuchu I wojny światowej PTS zdołało przygotować publikację Statystyka Polski, wydrukowaną w 1915 roku, której głównymi autorami byli A. Krzyżanowski oraz K. W. Kumaniecki. W przedsięwzięcie to zaangażowanych było wiele osób stanowiących ówczesną elitę intelektualną kraju. Ciekawy jest zakres terytorialny Statystyki Polski. Obejmuje on terytorium pierwszej Rzeczypospolitej oraz obszar Górnego Śląska i południowych Mazur, na którym mieszkała ludność polska. Praca ta zadziwia obfitością prezentowanych danych statystycznych, których uzyskanie nawet w dzisiejszych czasach jest trudne i pracochłonne. Znaczenie Statystyki Polski polega też na tym, że dała argumenty delegacji polskiej w trakcie rozmów dotyczących kształtu terytorialnego odrodzonego państwa polskiego, prowadzonych na konferencji pokojowej w Wersalu.
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Béla Imrédy is mainly remembered as prime minister, a war criminal who chose to stand by the Germans to the end and was subsequently executed in 1946. His life as an economist and economic politician before 1938, however, is much less known. The study examines Imrédy’s views from his first public addresses and publications to the end of the Second World War. The aim, on one hand, is to reconstruct the world view and political discourse he adopted to interpret the changeable political and economic situation and to strengthen his own changing political position. On the other hand, the study also examines to what extent these factors influenced Imrédy’s politics.Imrédy’s views underwent substantial changes between 1927 and 1944. As a young economist he shared the views of economic liberalism predominant in that era. As a politician and member of the government a couple of years later, at the lowest point of the Great Depression, he claimed to believe in an economic system based on Christian values and social solidarity. As an opposition party politician, and the leader of a far right party during the Second World War, he professed as a national socialist working for a people’s welfare state based on supremacist ideas and occupational hierarchy. Later, as minister of finance, his economic policy was markedly determined by his increasingly strong conviction about budget cuts and savings, whereby he rejected Keynesian crisis management by demand simulation and opted for fiscal orthodoxy and financial austerity in budget management instead.
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The subject of our research is the application of imprisonment as a constraint method applied to debtors in the second half of the 17th century and the first half of the 18th century, using documentary (published and unpublished) and narrative sources within this interval. Benefiting from legal theorising and classifications, we propose an approach – using our own means and methods – to the application of imprisonment for failing to pay back a debt to the prince, for failing to pay taxes or for not returning debts owned to different persons, for various causes, which were considered offences during that period.The execution of the sentence depended on its gravity; debtors were detained in various confinement places, with different degrees in terms of sentence execution regime “gros” [slammer], “groapa ocnii” [mine pit], “puşcărie” [prison], “temniţă” [gaol], “vartă” [jail], “opreală” [lockup]. The persons convicted belonged to different social categories. The dominant feature of this sentence to prison in the period under investigation here was intimidation, with the possibility of redemption using various means; this punishment had no corrective purposes, such as in modern law.In this stage of the research, it may be stated that imprisonment for debts was an efficient preventative coercion method for obtaining or recuperating the outstanding debts to the State and the loans taken from various creditors. The method was so effective firstly because the princes assumed it; its repression mechanism consisted mainly in the fact that the debtors in default wanted to regain their freedom: they were given a chance to do that by paying the debt.
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Relying on a combination of data and records obtained from official and non-official sources of information in Nigeria and using a content method of analysis, this paper reconstructs the history, challenges and outcomes of budget reforms in Nigeria from independence in 1960 to the present. The study shows that too little was done to reform the budget process before 1980 and that reforms made under the Presidency of Olusegun Obasanjo and Umar Yar’Adua were the most fundamental and impactful of all the reforms made on the Nigerian budget process since the year 2000. The study concludes that significant outcomes of the reforms have become manifested in substantial reduction in the burden of public debt and in significant reduction in cases of fraud and leakages in expenditure in the form of moneys paid to rapacious ‘ghost’ workers for work not done and to contractors for value not added.
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As we know, the monetary circulation of Ukraine since the appearance of the earliest coins until the Modern time can be characterized as saturated with a huge variety of coins, combining a different denominations and issuers. The highest point of the diversity of coins happens in the XVII century. In the second half of the XVII th century, coins of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Muscovite state, the Ottoman Empire, large silver coins of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the coins of the Brandenburg-Prussia (as well as many other Germanic states) are commonly excavated in treasures and isolated finds in Ukraine. Less commonly in the consist of the treasures are the coins of Scotland, Ragusa (or Dubrovnik), the French kingdom, England, and Italian lands, which causes us an increased interest. Findings of rare coins, in our opinion, serve as a very significant marker in the study of the systems of international trade and economic communications of Ukrainian lands in any historical period, which is especially relevant in the context of the current political course of Ukraine for integration into the EU, where the numismatics is once again proves the presence of ancient and traditional vectors of orientation of the Ukrainian market and the economy of the West. In the process of researching of rare coins from the collections of state museums in Ukraine, our attention was drawn to the silver teston minted in the Pontifical State in Rome in 1690 on behalf of the Pontiff Alexander VIII (1689-1691), and stored in the collection of the National Kyiv-Pechersk Historical and Cultural Reservation in Kyiv. The coin is made of silver, weights 9.10 grams and has 31 millimeters in diameter. The obverse of the coin depicts a profile of the pontiff Alexander VIII, turned to the right. The Pope is dressed in a mantle, in decorations which reveal plant ornaments and the image of an eagle. Below is a signature of the HAMERANVS inscription pointing to the famous Roman medal engraver – Giovanni Martino Hamarani. Since the 1679, Giovanni Martino has been working on the creation of dies of coins and medals for the Vatican’s Popes: Clement X, Innocenty XI, Alexander VIII, Innocenty XII and Clement XI. The circular legend of the obverse indicates the name of the pontiff ALEXAN: VIII * PONT: MA: I:. The edge of the coin is decorated with a circular rim similar to the rope. The reverse of the coin depicts in center the two oxen with a plow. On the top of the coin is the circular legend RE * FRVMENTARIA * RESTITVTA, which translates from Latin as “Grain processing”. The date is written in the form of Roman numerals MD-CXC – 1690 year of mint. An interesting feature of this coin is the way of writing of it’s date using letters punches C and I instead of the letters punches M and D, putting the actual letters of the CIC and IC together on the stamp. This practice was used to create stamps in case of the damage or loss of the required letter punch. Probably, the upper and lower part of the legend of the stamp drawing were performed by various craftsmen (or their students). The coin also has a number of defects, both productive and acquired as a result of careless storage and exposure. In the center of the reverse, we see the remnants of glue and velvet fiber. This is a consequence of gluing of the coin directly onto the fabric of the vertical display window. Also on the reverse there is a half of the lost inventory number marked with black ink. Both of these defects are acquired as a result of illiterate performance of stock and exhibit work. The Papal testone described above is quite rare both for state museum collections in Ukraine, as well as for coins that are in the private collections, it has a great historical and cultural value.
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Varlığını, bir devlet olarak doğduğu 1501’den zeval bulduğu 1722 yılına kadar sürdüren ve İran tarihinin bu dönemine değinen çok sayıda modern araştırmacının yanı sıra çok sayıda İranlı tarafından da “kendine has bir yönetim şekli”, “eşi ve benzeri olmayan”, “nev-i şahsına münhasır” ve “kendine özgü bir dünya” olarak tanımlanan Safevî İranı’nı bu şekilde görmek için hatırı sayılır sebeplere sahibiz. Safevîlerin; dünyanın tek Şiî ulusunun yaratıcıları olarak oynadıkları çok önemli rolleri, modern İran ulus-devletinin banileri olarak sahip oldukları konum ve küçük bir Afgan savaşçı güruhunun bir ayaklanmayı müteakiben başlayan saldırısı karşısında devletlerinin aniden dağılması gibi bütün bu benzersiz özellikleri sözü geçen yaklaşımı gerçekten de haklı çıkarır gibi görünüyor.
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The article review one very rare for Modern Bulgaria ancient coin – silver siglos(17/19mm.;5,51g.),archaic type of Achaemenid Persia(of the kings Darius I and Xerxes I) from the region of Sliven town,South-Eastern Bulgaria.The coin is a single find as is with dating – the time 510-480 BC.
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The reverse iconographic repertoire of Bizye’s mint keeps developing and enriching itself throughout the entire period of its functioning. Unlike the ancient Greek colonies, Bizye is a peregrine town and has no centuries-old traditions of coinage. In spite of this fact, its reverse dies depict primarily Greek deities, personifications, heroes, and their attributes. The number of dies depicting eastern deities is more limited. Particularly noteworthy are the reverse types that represent the Roman princeps and the members of his family. They provide us with valuable information about the local history, politics, religion, and the culture of Bizye. Coins with reverse types representing Roman emperors in Bizye have been issued for the following rulers, organized by us into six reverse types: Antoninus Pius, Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta, and Philip I.
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The coinage of Bizye took place in the period from the end of the first decade of the 2nd century AD to the middle of the 3rd century AD (247 AD). During this nearly 1.5-centuries long period, the Roman provincial town issued coins for six emperors and their families. Despite the large number of reverse coin types with different iconography published so far, Bizye’s coinage doesn’t cease to bring interesting surprises. In this study, we present several new, extremely rare Bizye coins, that have thus far not been published in the numismatic literature. The coins come from private collections (author’s note: wherever possible, we have indicated the auctions from which they were purchased), and have been systematized according to their issuance date, and illustrated in real size.
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The 1,000-dinar banknote bearing the issuing date 1 December 1931 was put into circulation on 1 January 1933 and withdrawn from circulation in the period from 4-11 June 1941. The recording and production of the clichés were done at the Banque de France, Paris, while the watermarked paper was purchased from Portals Ltd, Hants, England and printed at the Institute for Manufacturing Banknotes and Coins in Belgrade. The author of this banknote is Paja Jovanović, one of the greatest Serbian painters. There is no official information on the exact number of these banknotes in circulation, but based on the amount of paper ordered, it can be assumed that 10 to 11 million banknotes were made in the nominal value of 10 to 11 billion dinars. Banknote dimensions are 195x121mm, drawing dimensions are 181x112mm and the watermark is 35mm in diameter. The banknote is dominated by the image of Queen Marija Karađorđević, and the watermark shows the profile of King Aleksandar Karađorđević.
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In the interwar period, the military and economic thinking in Romania has experienced one of the most troubled phases in its evolution. It was influenced by the economic and political situation, by the interests of the social forces at the time; it reflected the national and international movement of ideas. The general background against which it has developed was represented by mutations produced in the social-economic and political structure of the country after the completion of Romania’s national unity. In the interwar period, the Romanian military and economic thinking saw the impact of the first major international conflagration in 1914-1918. The Romanian economy has undergone a period characterized by increased industrial development, intensification of production and capital concentration and centralization, as well as by an increased opposition of the domestic bourgeoisie against foreign capital, due to a strengthening of its position within a number of industrial and goods circulation areas.
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The study provides an overview and analysis of the attempts to reorganize the industrial society of the free royal town of Újvidék (Novi Sad) in the period between the launch of the 1860 trade regulations and the 1872 enactment of the first Industrial Code. By this time, the craft guild framework was exhausted and the freedom to pursue industry was guaranteed with certain limitations. In the economic situation usually perceived as a period of crisis by the contemporaries, the first rivaling organizations identifying themselves as trade associations were conceived amidst visions of future prosperity. As Senator Béla Peák’s inaugural speech – quoted in the title of the present study – suggests, the Újvidék Trade Association was set up to unite the entire industrial society of the city, even though in practice the membership was dominated by the German- and Hungarian-speaking elites. The Serbian Trade Association (1867–1869) and the Serbian Craftsmen’s Union (1870) were called to life as alternatives to the Gewerbeverein. The rivalry between these organizations was closely intertwined with the bitter political strife between the Serbian liberals and the German and Hungarian elite fighting for the leadership of the town after the Compromise of 1867. Public discourse in Hungary was much preoccupied with the aspirations of Újvidék’s liberal mayor, Svetozar Miletić to make the town into a Serb national center, as well as with his subsequent suspension from office, which was thematized along with the questions of minority rights and the limits of urban autonomy. In this context, the study analyses the attempts at uniting traders and tradesmen in Újvidék, and the contrasting visions of the past and future, which reflect both an idealized image of guilds and national concord and the faith in the imminent prosperity these associations have ahead of them. Concerning the Serbian unions, it is worth to note how their leaders, prominent liberal and socialist intellectuals, argued for the separate unionizing of Serbian tradesmen and to what extent their vision was implemented.
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The Starch- and Spirit Factory of Csíkszentsimon (Sânsimion) was the most important determinant of social life and lifestyle for the local community and the neighboring settlements. Its establishment was intimately bound to the nineteenth-century industrialization plans and waves of Transylvanian modernization. The factory, built in 1941, was the enterprise of the Hungarian state. According to locals, it was “built by Hungarians for Hungarians” as a processing plant for the region’s potato yield and an opportunity to create jobs. After 1944 it was nationalized by the Romanian state and during the socialist industrialization effort it was further developed and extended. Based on interviews, archival records and private photographs, the study examines the local industrial boom and the history of the factory between 1940 and 1975. This historical reconstruction provides a glimpse into local investments and subsequent social changes as well as the cultural life of the local community. In this vein, the study traces the patterns of disintegrating rural lifestyle and the emerging worker identity, as well as the modernization processes transforming rural societies, as manifested in everyday life.
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The study primarily focuses on how the political elite of Vas County experienced the social impact of the county’s industrialization process – the involuntary industrial employment and commuting of village women – which was a taboo due to ideological and economic reasons in the 1960s. It first describes Vas, a county on Hungary’s westernmost border, and explains the chronological scope (1960–1970) of the research. It presents the industrial development and unique labor market of the county and continues with an overview of the concepts which determined the attitudes of the county’s leaders and of the local press under their supervision towards female industrial workers from the countryside. The study then turns to a detailed analysis of the ways in which the economic development brought about by socialist industrialization placed large portions of the county’s female population in an extremely vulnerable position. For a nuanced description of the tasks imposed upon commuting women, the study not only considers the different social roles of village and urban populations, but also provides a detailed gender-based overview of their social situation. It is based primarily on official records of the meetings of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party’s (MSZMP) party committee, as well as those of the party’s Executive Committees of both Vas Country and Szombathely. The overall aim of the study is to expose the ways in which village women were placed in the labor market in the 1960s.
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Pelles Márton – Zsigmond Gábor: A fiumei magyar kereskedelmi tengerészet története (1868–1918). / The Hungarian Maritime Trade History of Fiume (1868–1918).Pro Pannonia, Pécs, 2018. 215 oldal.
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The second part of the paper analyses the radical changes that the law of compensations – which Iasi received from the 1866 Constituent Assembly – went through in the period 1874-1902. The variant of the 1874 law of compensations, stipulating an amount of 10 million lei, was not enforced. Between 1880-1882, the commune of Iasi was offered estates and urban properties for the town hall to administrate or to sell, in order to obtain incomes for urban development. But the estates proved to be an administrative chore, providing insufficient funds to support local investments. After a decade, in 1893, the State acknowledged it had been wrong, repurchasing the properties for 6.5 million lei. The money was invested by the local authorities in the building of the National Theatre, of the Slaughterhouse and of the Public Bath, as well as in the rehabi-litation of some streets, while the main stake of the damages – water conveyance in Iasi – was missed. The law of compensations acquired in 1880 a xenophobe connotation as well. Prime-minister I. C. Brătianu transformed the damages from a dispute between the regionalist Moldavians and the centralist Wallachians into a form of anti-Semite Reconquista. The law provided that the sale of the given plots of land be done to the farmers in order to “strengthen the Romanian element” and to turn Iasi into a redoubt of nationalism. The plan was finally a total fiasco, as very few of those who requested land were also willing and able to pay the price that the local authorities had asked. From the standpoint of the Moldavian regionalist trend, the compensations remained a recurrent topic in the political discourse of the public agenda in Iasi. The change of form that the compensations took in 1880 – from money into lands and real estates – was rejected by an unprecedented gesture of the Communal Council of Iasi. It was considered a “revolutionary” form of refusal, being the only case in Romania’s modern history when a law that had been passed by the Parliament was rejected by a local authority. The vote produced perplexity and agitation in Bucharest. The centralist political leaders, while claiming that a “deep peace” needed to be established between the Moldavians and the Wallachians, were still pointing to the lack of gratitude for the “present” that Iasi was offered. The regionalists, on the other hand, deemed the gesture Bucharest had made as a mockery of the vote that the Constituent Assembly had given in 1866, of the promises made at that time, of the country’s duty towards Iasi, the sacrificed city that had never been properly supported after having lost its capital status.
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The wide usage of different trade and legal forms in the trade activity of the Jews ensures the performance of trade deals and the increase of the acquired capital. The position that the Jews filled in the trade of the Balkan Peninsula to a great degree was due to the manner of organizing their trade. The Jewish merchants had completely arranged organization of trade. With their widespread branches, this organization was a trade network where the major merchants that lived in all the larger trade centers on the Balkan Peninsula were the main knot. The major merchants were a type of regulators of the entire trade, i. e. the exchange of the import and export goods was performed by them. The Jews traded with a large amount of different goods at the internal and external market. In order to successfully perform the trade activity, they had to know the consumer’s needs both of the external and the internal market. That was a close connection with the manufacturers of goods on one hand and an active stimulation of the production on the market on the other hand. In that way, the Jewish merchants indirectly helped the development of the commodity – monetary relations in the Ottoman Empire.
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