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An issue for Radu G. Ţeposu. Various authors write about the life, work and personality of Radu G. Ţeposu who died in November 1999. The material include a biography and an extended bibliography of Radu G. Ţeposu and also fragments from his works, letters and interviews.
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Reviews of: Nicoleta Sălcudeanu - “Graffiti”, Ed. Cartea Românească; Em. Galaicu-Păun, “Ultimul deceniu” (Ed. Cartier, Chişinău, 1999); Liviu Ioan Stoiciu - “Poemul animal”; Adrian Oţoiu – „Chei fierbinţi“; Ara Alexandru Şişmanian – “Priviri, Ochiul orb şi Tireziada” Editura Arhipelag, 1997, 1998, 1999.
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Interview with the Moldavian writer Ghenadie Postolache.
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The detailed commentary challenges the central claim of András Körösényi’s paper on democratic elitism, namely that authorization theory based on Schumpeter’s insights is a realistic and promising theory of democratic representation. I argue that the core assumptions of the Schumpeterian project are far from trivially realistic, lead to problematic conclusions, differ radically from most other accounts of representative government, and ultimately stretch the limit of democratic theory too far. I posit that a particular view of the complexity of the political environment is consistent with the observed low level of voters’ competence but would still be compatible with the possibility of meaningful accountability. In the last section of the paper I put forward an argument why normative considerations cannot be completely eliminated from any theoretical account of democracy. and the importance within the political system (semi-presidential vs. parliamentary system). The historical arguments brought forward by the late prime minister, József Antall proposed a compromise between the state-party’s views (semi-presidential system and direct election) and the most determined parts of the Opposition Roundtable (Free Democrats and Young Democrats) establishing a general principle grounded on arguments of a historical public-legal continuity for parliamentary system and a possibility of exception appealing to the exceptionality of the situation. While this proposal was never accepted by all sides of the Roundtable talks, at the same time, due to their liberal and democratic content, the historical arguments made it possible to make partial compromises between the state-partyand the moderate groups (Forum of Hungarian Democrats) of the opposition, later between the newly elected parliamentary majority (Forum) and opposition (Free Democrats) and this way it helped to make the process of democratic transition easier. Ironically, these historical arguments for a liberal democratic political model later effected heated debates between the new right and left parliamentary parties after 1990 as well, for the conception of historical continuity underwent a change of reference and became identified with the anti-democratic, anti-liberal and merely anachronistic political traditions of the Hungarian political culture.
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The article explores how the increasingly popular online news media has become an integral part of the Hungarian media market. The scope of this paper is to investigate the existing frameworks used in media studies to conceptualize the online news media. As it is said that the traditional roles of media such as agenda-setter, watchdog and content provider are revisited in relation to the possibilities online media offer their readers in terms of participation. The study analyses the effects of online journals on long-standing journalistic traditions, norms and practices. The special focus of the article is to detect the potential influences on political communication. So, the character of political coverage in the online journals is also discussed. It is found that even in this highly interactive and participatory format, the online journalists are seeking to find new professional standards and tending to remain gatekeepers
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On the publication :Takáts József – Modern magyar politikai eszmetörténet, 2007, Osiris, Budapest . 148. oldal.
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Why would a small, middle-income country, stuck in the turbulence of deep political and economic changes, care about global environmental problems? The paper is the outcome of a three-year research project aimed at understanding the factors that shaped Hungary’s participation in the climate change regime and the biodiversity regime. The research questions were the following: What was the motivation of Hungary in joining these environmental regimes? Which social actors and institutions influenced the decision of joining the regimes and the dynamics of the participation process? We established a research framework with the possible explanatory models. We then conducted an empirical research based on document analysis and interviews with policy makers, experts, and NGO members. We were seeking to reconstruct and understand Hungarian foreign environmental policy in order to determine which explanation best suits the Hungarian case.
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This study focuses on the scientific distinction between political communication and political marketing. In the first half of the article I attempt to review some basic elements of political communication, such as theory, its actors, political language, media and politics in order to see how they work in a scientific environment and in everyday life. In the following chapter I examine political marketing from the same point of view. Finally, I survey the differences between political communication and political marketing. We will see that the two concepts are different regarding the number of the team members, their philosophy, logic, strategy and applied tools. For example, while political communication interacts with the media and the voters, political marketing wants to be present in the media, it wants to rule over it, because there is no political campaign without media campaign.
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“Cleavage” is one of the most frequently used expressions in political science, however, the word does not have a widely accepted meaning. This article wishes to contribute to the cleavage literature by the creation of an own definition. In the first part of the study I reviewed the cleavage-theory and tried to distinguish the different approaches regarding their logic, definition, and their connection to voting behavior. In the second half I analyzed the most important articles and on that ground introduced my own concept. I preferred to approach the problem from two perspectives, proceeding from upwards – from the voters – and downwards – from the elites’ level – simultaneously. Adopting the framework of Bartolini and Mair, I employed a definition containing three elements: an empirical, a normative and an organizational one. I modified their original concept, however, and used different methods to examine the normative and organizational elements, because it is not in accordance with the present structure of a modern society.
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The article is an attempt to reconstruct the picture of the nineteenth century rural society from Iwkowa – one of the Malopolska district villages. The key to reach the goal is to choose out of one hundred and twenty folk stories – the most important lexis and analyse them in the ethnolinguistic context. The conception of the linguistic picture of the world has been used in here as well as the definition of the lexical-semantic field (according to R. Tokarski). The chosen characters such as: a peasant, a cottage-worker, a bailiff, an old man, a priest, a squire, a Jew have been simultaneously presented in the opposition orbis interior – orbis exterior, which was supported by the system worked out by L. Mroz: our (we) – not our (others) – strangers.
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The paper discusses the collocation mapa drogowa (road map), understood as a plan, agenda for action or set of actions, that has recently won considerable popularity in the language of the media. The author claims that mapa drogowa in Polish is an unnecessary calque from the English language
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The author presents a notebook of B. Kiejstut-Giedymin, a student of Adam Mickiewicz from the time, when the poet took up a teacher’s post in a primary school in Kowno. The original notebook, containing essays written in the 1820/1821 school year, was accurately copied (together with the alterations and remarks of A. Mickiewicz) by Z. Niklewski, and published in 1913. The description focuses on specific features of the young teacher-poet’s language. The author determines them on the grounds of: 1) alterations made to the linguistic style of the student’s essays; 2) mistakes and gross regionalisms, to which the teacher did not pay attention; 3) linguistic peculiarities, reflected in the very text of the Mickiewicz’s remarks. In the analysed notebook, the most often were specific graphic, phonetic, as well as graphic-phonetic features, whereas regional flexion and syntax properties, as well as the lexical ones, were reflected there to a lesser extent. Similar proportions had already been confirmed by researchers of manuscripts of the poet.
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