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in 1943 the "Feldluftgau-Kommano XXX" dept. "Wehrbetreuung" of the German Wehrmacht occupying Serbia published this City-Guide for German Soldiers in Belgrade.
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GOVERNMENT DECISIONS // Year of work of NAPC: results and challenges? // ECONOMIC ANALYSIS // Forecast until the end of 2017 // POLITICAL COMPETITION // New political season: waiting for the unknown
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GOVERNMENT DECISIONS NEW ELECTORAL LEGISLATION AS A FORGOTTEN REFORM IN UKRAINE // UN PEACEKEEPING MISSION IN DONBASS: WHAT IS THE CHANCE FOR SUCCESS? // ECONOMIC ANALYSIS // THE FIFTH TRANCH OF THE IMF FOR UKRAINE: REFORMS OR STAGNATION? // POLITICAL COMPETITION // NEW POLITICAL ALLIANCES OR HOW TO AGREE WITH EVERYONE, NOT TRUSTING ANYONE
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GOVERNMENT DECISIONS // HOW TO RETURN SECURITY ON THE STREETS OF UKRAINIAN CITIES // INTERNATIONAL SCANDAL AROUND LAW ON EDUCATION // ECONOMIC ANALYSIS // NBU MONETARY POLICY: THE WAY TO ECONOMIC GROWTH OR TO STAGNATION? // POLITICAL COMPETITION // PROTESTS UNDER THE VERKHOVNA RADA: EVOLUTION AND FORECAST
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Economic recovery in Moldova in 2000 has generated new opportunities as well as new challengesfor the Moldovan government, private companies and citizens. The economic growth has beenmainly supported by migrants’ remittances that have kept the country afloat. However, asconsumption-led economic growth has reached its limits, the economic policymakers have to ensurethe transition of the economy from the economic growth model based on migrants’ remittancestowards an investment-based and innovation-based growth model. Because of the internationalfinancial crisis, this transition is unlikely to be smooth, but still it is necessary to be pursued.
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With a string of domestic and external crises the year 2009 has clearly shown how fragile and illusory have the economic growth and modernisation been in Moldova in the last decade. The expected GDP decline will get Moldova three years back; capital investments have fallen at path not seen since early 1990s; economic confi dence is at historical lows, while the public fi nance has been fundamentally undermined. Although global fi nancial crisis has its part of blame, Moldova is also a victim of the blundering political irresponsibility. The Governmental change in September 2009 brings new hopes, but it should be clear that these expectations should not be overblown. Although the reshuffl e of the ministers was necessary it is not suffi cient to change the modus operandi of the ministries. The administrative system is subject to its own logic and inertia. The real challenge for the new Government will be to push forward a new logical framework under which policy is being developed and implemented. Political uncertainty and diffi cult negotiations within the governing coalition compounds this task still more. (published as well under ISBN978-9975-80-303-8)
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Since its inception, the Alliance for European Integration (AEI) faced a tall order of multiple and often competing goals. Despite the short-term political horizon, the AEI can boast significant achievements in the past year. ... The AEI government has declared that changing the model of economic growth is an over-arching strategic priority for the country. More specifically, the government declared of not being satisfied of the consumption-based economic growth model (towards which Moldovan economy is currently reverting). The governmental preferred model has been described as an investment-based, innovation-driven and export-oriented model. However, replacing the current consumption based model implies many ingredients from which the government seems to be shy so far.
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The economy of the Republic of Moldova continued to develop in the context of a "provisional" government. Such a governance model was characterized by increased political instability and persistence the constitutional crisis, heated disputes in the governing coalition, prolonged blockages in the reform agenda, on the whole range of pressing issues, and so on. However, this situation does not significantly affected the image of the "success story" attributed to the Republic of Moldova, work demonstrated by the EU's maintenance of apparently unconditional support and admiration for it of the Republic of Moldova. But in the end, the realities in the country will coincide or collide with perceptions from outside, because Moldova is entering an undoubtedly critical half of the year. (published as well under ISBN 978-9975-80-499-8)
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The endless disputes between political parties have definitely trivialized the word "reform". The need for "reforms" is invoked by political forces at every opportunity appropriate and inappropriate, often as an excuse for the political deadlocks created. Many external resources continue to flow in to support the "reforms", creating, in fact, hazard morality for governance. That is why, when we talk about reforms in Moldova, we must let's start from the premise that most of the institutions necessary for functioning of a market economy in Moldova were created, the fundamental problem being the character dysfunctional of them. Taking into account the developments of 2011, we believe that the real ones economic reforms that Moldova needs as a priority are the following: justice reform (including as a key premise for reducing corruption), decentralization, the reform of the agricultural subsidy policy, the strengthening of internal control and externally on public finances, the reform of the central public administration, including for increasing the capacities of the central authorities for judicious absorption and utilization a public capital investments.
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The enterprise known as Trepca is a sprawling conglomerate of some 40 mines and factories, located mostly in Kosovo but also in other locations in Serbia and Montenegro. Its activities include chemical processing and production of goods as varied as batteries and paint. But the heart of its operations, and the source of most of its raw material, is the vast mining complex to the east of Mitrovicë/a in the north of Kosovo, famous since Roman times. This report examines the current position of the mines, together with the associated smelting complex at nearby Zvecan. The future of Trepca cuts to the heart of the Kosovars' identity. Its great mineral wealth is the basis of the economy of Kosovo, but the complex is badly run-down as a result of under-investment and over-exploitation by governments in Belgrade. Trepca figured largely among the issues over which Albanians took to the streets in 1988/9, and the issue of control over the mines has assumed tremendous symbolic importance. Trepca, as one circumspect Kosovar observed, is Kosovo's Berlin Wall. It has long stood for Kosovar Albanians as the symbol of Serbian oppression and of their own resistance.
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The surveys were undertaken at seven universities located in five countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovakia). In November 2017, 1791 students were polled. Surveys are part of a University Students Debates’ project aimed at promoting universal values and principles through independent and critical thinking. The project is implemented jointly by MESA10 (Slovakia) and CEAS (Serbia).
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CEAS proposal for the correction of the administrative line between Serbia and Kosovo, agreed in a format under the auspices of West
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Analiza nacrta Strategije odbrane Republike Srbije.The new strategic documents of the Republic of Serbia (RS) are being considered and adopted in a very dynamic period of global security and political trends. At the same time, the RS is also facing numerous unusually large internal challenges, from the need to reform the judiciary to the need to normalize relations with Kosovo. Both external and internal circumstances objectively make it difficult to adopt well-articulated strategic security and defense documents of a relatively small country in the relatively uncertain process of European integration and negotiations with Pristina, which it is conducting with the international community. Both reports, the analysis of the draft of the National Security Strategy (NSB) and the draft of the Defense Strategy (SO), under the umbrella title of Kosovo, are first of all structurally the same - the political and detailed normative context is analyzed first, followed by a qualitative analysis of the new drafts, a comparative analysis of the proposed drafts with existing legislation, and finally conclusions and recommendations.
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CEAS analysis on the occasion of 16th anniversary of the assassination of the Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic, 20th anniversary of NATO bombing of Former Republic of Yugoslavia and 70th anniversary of the founding of NATO – the Kremlin structures against Djindjic’s dream of Serbia.
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The Republic of Serbia's process of accession to the Partnership for Open Government - a multilateral initiative that aims to provide support to governments in areas such as transparency, cooperation with civil society, the fight against corruption and the use of new technologies in order to provide high quality services to citizens and business subjects - began in April 2013, after the intention to do so expressed even earlier, in March 2012 by the Ministry of culture, media and information society. The first action plan for the period 2014-2015 has been evaluated both by the relevant ministry, as well as by civil society organizations that were involved in its monitoring. The Government of the Republic of Serbia at the session held on 25 December 2014, on a proposal of the Ministry of State Administration and Local Government, the conclusion No 05. 021-16514 / 2014, adopted an action plan in order to implement the initiative for Open Government Partnership in the Republic of Serbia for 2014 and 2015, as the period of implementation of the Action Plan is determined by the period from 30th of June 2014 to 30th of June 2016. However, this process of adopting the second Action Plan was not a specific one because representatives of civil society involved in the process were present only during the developed of Draft Action Plan. These objections were put forward when the organizations were submitting comments on the draft Action Plan, and the problem has been recognized by the Independent Research Mechanism. Another major violation of the Open Government Partnership represents the non-inclusion of civil society in the implementation of the second Action Plan.
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From September 2017 to May 2018, MESA 10 from Bratislava, Slovakia and Centerfor Euro – Atlantic Studies (CEAS) from Belgrade, Serbia implemented fifth roundof university students debates, a project implemented with the support of NationalEndowment for democracy from USA.CEAS and MESA 10 continued to work with two universities from Serbia (the Universityof Belgrade and University of Novi Sad) and two from Slovakia (Comenius Universityof Bratislava and Matej Bel University of Banska Bystrica) as partners for the project.The project for second year included universities from: Bosnia and Herzegovina(International University of Sarajevo), from Montenegro (University of Montenegro) andfrom Moldova (Academy of Economic Studies of Chisinau).
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The surveys were undertaken at seven universities located in five countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Moldova, Montenegro, Serbia (Belgrade, Novi Sad), and Slovakia (Bratislava, Banská Bystrica).• In April 2019 1714 students were polled.Surveys are part of a University Students Debates‟ project aimed at promoting democratic values among youth. The project is implemented jointly by MESA10 (Slovakia) and CEAS (Serbia) and supported by the National Endowment for Democracy.Debates among seven university teams took placeon April 8, 2019.If not indicated differently, the following results are from two rounds of surveys- in November 2018 and April 2019.
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From Serbian and Russian trolls factoriesto pro Serbian and Russian governments mainstream media. Defamation and intimidation campaignagainst CEAS and it’s director Jelena Milic.The Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies (CEAS) from Belgrade has dealt with inaccurate or malicious reportingand commenting on our work in Serbian public space ever since its founding in 2007. This is notsurprising given that we deal with extremely sensitive issues, such as the causes and consequences ofNATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia; the murder of soldiers in Topčider and Leskovac;advocating Serbia’s membership in NATO; advocating prosecution of war crimes before domestic courtsand conducting other mechanisms of transitional justice, emphasizing the obligation and importanceof cooperation with the ICTY; encouraging normalization of relations with Kosovo and regional cooperation;comprehensive reform of the security system and its placement under democratic control.
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Collection of Essays of University Students and Professors from Slovakia, Serbia, Moldova, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro.In 2017 MESA 10 organization from Bratislava, Slovakia in partnership with Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies (CEAS) from Belgrade, Serbia implemented fourth round of Student debates, aproject implemented with the support of National Endowment for democracy from USA.The project aims at promoting democratic values, strengthening debating skills and ncouraging independent and critical thinking among university students from Slovakia, Serbia, Moldova,Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Activities of this project included: two rounds ofthe debates among 35 students from participated universities, one in December 2016 heldin Slovakia and one in April 2017 held in Belgrade; tailor made online lectures by expertsin various fields aiming to help students to prepare for the debates; survey collected at theparticipating universities on the topics of NATO and EU integration, Russia and its efforts toinfluence Balkan countries; Current security threats; political situation in the EU, etc. andpublishing of the results of the surveys in a form of online and printed handout at the twopresentation events one to be held in Podgorica (Montenegro) and other in Chișinău (Moldova);and presentation of publication with the essays on the debate topics, composed by universitystudents and professors.
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Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies (CEAS), BelgradeNovember 08, 2018
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