Abstract. In socialist times, Romania suffered from an extremely oppressive totalitarian re- gime . Hence, after the political change in 1989, the country experienced an especially violent political, economic and social transformation connected with increasing regional disparities . The analysis of migration is one of the most effective ways to measure the reactions of the population to these developments . Areas of emigration and immigration have been formed, both in urban and in rural Romania . Moreover, despite all of its internal problems, Romania is a country of immigration for a comparably small number of migrants as well . This paper deals with the complex history of migration in Romania since socialist times, bringing forth the very heterogeneous groups of migrants involved . In conclusion, the paper will show that the migratory processes of Romania are part of the wider process of regional development for European countries with relatively weak economies .
More...Abstract. On July 1, 2013, Croatia became the 28 th member of the European Union (EU) . At the same time, the increasing fatigue evinced among EU member states at the prospect of further enlargement presents an unpredictable factor relating to whether or not as well as when the other Western Balkan countries will join the EU . To trace some of the underlying obstacles and motivations, this paper examines the reciprocal perceptions in the media news coverage of three EU member states (Austria, Germany and the United Kingdom) and two Western Balkan countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia) . The exploratory newspaper study shows that the reciprocal views on the accession process do not necessarily show boundaries and obstacles between EU member states and non-EU countries . However, the study sug- gests that the analytical spectrum should include thematic areas beyond political discourse and should identify reciprocal scepticism beyond purely political concerns, in order to fully comprehend additional facets of EU enlargement fatigue as well as non-political obstacles for the accession process .
More...Abstract. Following a process of interpenetration between parties and state, public funds are increasingly being used to further the organizational and electoral objectives of political par- ties . While the available literature has been mainly concerned with the regulated channels of party funding, much less attention has been paid to the informal channels of funding party activity from public funds . This paper develops this latter aspect, and looks at evidence col- lected from Romania, linking the ruling parties spending patterns to their political strategies . It analyses both the distributive politics of ruling parties and the informal dimension of political allocations of public resources . It is this paper’s assertion that public funds are distributed through clientelistic channels, in an attempt to influence electoral results in Romania . This creates disproportionate advantages for the ruling parties, with a high potential of affecting negatively the nature of the democratic process .
More...Abstract. Social cohesion, reducing poverty, and broad participation in the labor market are essential elements of the European social models . With the EU membership of the Central and Eastern European reform states (EU 10) a new landscape of European social models has emerged in which the EU 10 are integrated according to their respective paths of national development . Following its successful referendum, Croatia has become the 28th member of the European Union on July 1, 2013 . This paper examines the Croatian social model with reference to four dimensions: labor market security, social inequality, institutional influence on the labor market and wage formation, and personal responsibility . It also describes the model’s position within the landscape of European social models . The Croatian social model is characterized by low level of labor market security and by limited institutional influence on labor markets and wage formation .
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review of: ---------------------- SERGEJ JESSENIN: Gesammelte Werke in drei Bänden. (Bd. 1: Gedichte, Bd. 2.: Poeme, Prosa; Bd. 3: Aufsätze, Briefe, Autobiographien.) Hg. und mit einem Vorwort versehen von Leonhard Kossuth. Verlag Volk & Welt. Berlin 1995. 1325 Seiten.
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Keywords: Literature under Dictatorship;
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review of: ------------------------ ERICH ARENDT: Sämtliche Gedichte / Ägäis (1967), herausgegeben von Gerhard Wolf, Rimbaud Verlag, Aachen 1995. 126 S.
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review of: -------------------- MARK POLIZZOTTI: Revolution des Geistes. Das Leben André Bretons. Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jörg Trobitius. Carl Hanser Verlag, München 1996, 1048 Seiten mit 48 Abbildungen, Leinen,
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Extracts from Dieter Schlesak's Novel "Der Verweser. Ein Geisterroman"
More...This article is focused on the relation between the political institutional conditions (regime properties) and collective violence. Relying on works of Charles Tilly, two most important properties of regimes (political institutional conditions) that could affect the occurrence and intensity of collective violence are discerned: regime (governmental) capacity and democracy level. Empirical-graphical analysis finds no relation between the democracy level and degree/occurrence of collective violence. However, statistically significant relationship between the governmental capacity (measured as polity fragmentation index) and degree of collective violence is found. Moreover, higher levels of collective violence are observed in the low capacity-undemocratic regimes, but the most successful in terms of containment of collective violence are high-capacity undemocratic regimes (not high capacity-democratic, as formulated in the hypothesis).
More...The EU energy policy has always been governed by a sort of go-it-alone principles. There has been a lack of common approach to energy problems and no real determination to create a common energy market. As a result, the 2006 and 2009 gas disputes between Russia and Ukraine left certain Central and South European countries without gas and showed how vulnerable the EU is when it does not have real instruments to react unanimously. In that context the effects of Lisbon Treaty in energy security sector are very important to assess by looking what contribution the Treaty makes in that field. Moreover, it could be argued that The Lisbon Treaty established the main priorities of the European energy policy and has envisaged the possibility for the EU to play a more active role in that sector.
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