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Reforma Doma Naroda Parlamentarne Skupštine BIH

Author(s): Florian Bieber / Language(s): Bosnian

The new House of Peoples, ie the Senate, which would represent the upper house of the BiH Parliamentary Assembly and could equally consider the interests of constituent peoples, constituent territorial units and national minorities, would eliminate discrimination present in the current system and reduce the link between territory and ethnic identity. Such a reform would not be a cure for all the problems of the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, because it cannot remove the blockades that can make decision-making difficult. In constitutional engineering, one should be aware of its limitations: it cannot create political will where it does not exist and it cannot eliminate the divisions that characterize the political reality in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most that can be achieved by such a constitutional reform is to equalize the conditions for all so that the interests of only certain collectives are not important, and to provide mechanisms that will lead to disagreement over a particular law does not automatically lead to a blockade. Whether these funds will be used will depend on those in power: constitutional changes cannot create political will, but can only provide impetus.

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Transparentnost pravosuđa u Bosni i Hercegovini u domenu procesuiranja koruptivnih krivičnih djela

Author(s): Erna Mačkić / Language(s): Bosnian

U postkonfliktnoj Bosni i Hercegovini jedan od ključnih problema je korupcija. Prema brojnim istraživanjima i izvještajima, koruptivne aktivnosti najviše koče našu zemlju na putu ka euroatlantskim integracijama, onemogućavaju proces reformi, a ujedno i napredak za građane. U izvještaju Evropske komisije (EK) za 2016. godinu, naprimjer, navodi se da je Bosna i Hercegovina usvojila određene zakone i akcione planove za borbu protiv korupcije, iskazala političko opredjeljenje za rješavanje ovog problema, ali da nisu uslijedili konkretni rezultati. Bosna i Hercegovina, kako se navodi u izvještaju, dostigla je određeni nivo pripremljenosti za borbu protiv korupcije. Određeni napredak postignut je usvajanjem akcionih planova na različitim nivoima vlasti, ali, kako navode iz Evropske komisije, rascjepkanost negativno utječe na njihovu efikasnu provedbu. Korupcija ostaje rasprostranjena u mnogim oblastima te i dalje predstavlja ozbiljan problem, navodi se u izvještaju Evropske komisije. Percepciju o korupciji kao ključnoj pošasti našeg društva dijele i građani. Bosna i Hercegovina se, prema Indeksu percepcije korupcije Transparency Internationala , nalazi na 83. mjestu od ukupno 176 zemalja, ispod država regiona – Hrvatske, Crne Gore i Srbije. Bosna i Hercegovina je, npr., u 2016. godini dobila ocjenu 39, na skali od nula do 100, te dijeli poziciju s Albanijom. Prema podacima bosanskohercegovačke mreže nevladinih organizacija ACCOUNT3 , svake sekunde u BiH, na razne oblike podmićivanja, izgubi se 47 konvertibilnih maraka (KM). Kako navode, korupcija godišnje odnese oko 1,5 milijardi konvertibilnih maraka. Iz Transparency Internationala navode kako je najveći problem korupcija u pravosuđu, a stanje je najteže u tužilaštvima, koja osiguravaju vladavinu prava u demokratskim društvima. U Transparency Internationalu smatraju kako saniranje stanja u pravosudnom sistemu počinje većom transparentnošću.

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Monitoring odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju Izvještaj za 2016-2017. godinu

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Cijeneći poseban značaj pravosuđa u borbi protiv korupcije, osnovni cilj ovog izvještaja, koji predstavlja nastavak aktivnosti Analitike u ovoj oblasti započetih 2017. godine, jeste da na sistematičan i metodološki rigorozan način ponudi neovisnu ocjenu kvaliteta odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). Izvještaj se zasniva na rezultatima istraživanja provedenog tokom 2017. i 2018. godine, a čiji je osnovni cilj bio evaluirati rad pravosuđa na svim nivoima u BiH u postupanju povodom predmeta korupcije. Pored kvantitativnih podataka o procesuiranju korupcije u BiH iz zvaničnih izvora (VSTV BiH), ovaj izvještaj nudi uvid i u analizu sudske prakse iz oblasti koruptivnih krivičnih djela. Analizom sadržaja optužnica i pravosnažnih presuda u odabranim predmetima korupcije, ovaj dokument omogućava bolje i sistematičnije razumijevanje izazova s kojima se pravosudni sistem suočava u oblasti procesuiranja korupcije. Metodologija koju smo razvili i implementirali u ovom istraživanju stavlja naglasak na ukupni kvalitet odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju, koji za potrebe ovog izvještaja obuhvata četiri kategorije, i to: a) generalnu statistiku, b) kvantitativne pokazatelje rada pravosuđa u domenu koruptivnih krivičnih djela, c) kvalitet sadržaja sudskih i tužilačkih akata u domenu koruptivnih krivičnih djela, te d) transparentnost pravosudnih institucija u kontekstu procesuiranja korupcije. Generalna statistika u ovom kontekstu podrazumijeva numeričke pokazatelje obima posla pravosuđa u domenu koruptivnih krivičnih djela u toku jedne godine i zasniva se na zvaničnim administrativnim podacima Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog vijeća BiH (VSTVBiH) koji su nam dostavljeni. Kvantitativni pokazatelji rada pravosuđa u ovoj oblasti u kontekstu ove metodologije podrazumijevaju sagledavanje odnosa između pojedinih bitnih kategorija i bitnih aspekata rada tužilaštava i sudova u domenu koruptivnih krivičnih djela, a također se baziraju na podacima koje je dostavio VSTV. Kvalitet sadržaja sudskih i tužilačkih akata zasnovan je na analizi kvaliteta pravosudnih dokumenata koja je izvršena na slučajnom uzorku od 49 pravosnažno okončanih predmeta korupcije u BiH. Na kraju, kategorija transparentnosti za potrebe ovog izvještaja podrazumijeva fokus na dvije ključne dimenzije: proaktivnu transparentnost (objavljivanje dokumenata i relevantnih informacija na vlastitu inicijativu na web-stranicama pravosudnih institucija) i reaktivnu transparentnost (dostavljanje dokumenata i informacija na zahtjev). Ocjena i analiza prve dimenzije ove kategorije izvršena je na osnovu uvida u web-stranice pravosudnih institucija u BiH, dok je ocjena reaktivne transparentnosti, uz sva ograničenja, vezana prvenstveno za naša iskustva s pravosudnim institucijama u procesu prikupljanja dokumenata za potrebe ovog izvještaja. Preostale dvije kategorije predviđene našom sveobuhvatnom metodologijom – postupak, te nezavisnost i integritet – podrazumijevaju nešto drugačiji i zahtjevniji pristup, koji zbog tehničkih poteškoća i nedovoljne responsivnosti relevantnih aktera nismo mogli primijeniti u ovoj fazi implementacije projekta. No, u narednim izvještajima, odnosno u narednim godinama, istraživanjem će, nadamo se, biti obuhvaćeno svih šest kategorija ove metodologije, što će nam omogućiti sveobuhvatniji uvid u rad pravosuđa u ovoj oblasti, ali i unaprijeđenu prezentaciju rezultata našeg istraživanja. Važno je istaći i to da se ova metodologija uglavnom ne bavi zakonskim okvirom u BiH kao takvim, odnosno njegovim kvalitetom i usklađenošću sa međunarodnim standardima i najboljim komparativnim praksama. Zanima nas prvenstveno u kojoj mjeri i na koji način pravosuđe, u postojećem pravnom okviru, ispunjava svoju temeljnu funkciju u domenu procesuiranja korupcije. Pritom, i to je važno naglasiti, u definiranju kategorija i indikatora svjesno smo usvojili aspiracijski pristup: gdje god smo mogli identificirati relevantni međunarodni standard (uključujući i odgovarajuće smjernice relevantnih tijela i institucija) koji nije eksplicitno predviđen aktuelnim pravnim okvirom u BiH, dali smo prednost tom standardu. Paralelno s procesom analize optužnica i presuda koju su vršili eksperti, prikupljeni su administrativni podaci o procesuiranju koruptivnih krivičnih djela u 2016. godini. Ključni izvor za ovu vrstu podataka bio je Odjel za pravosudnu upravu VSTV-a, čiji su uposlenici, nakon prijema našeg zahtjeva, tražene podatke pripremili specifično za potrebe našeg istraživanja. Imajući u vidu da VSTV ne prikuplja niti sistematizira podatke o procesuiranju korupcije po kategorijama predviđenim našom metodologijom, razumljivo je da je za prikupljanje i dostavljanje takvih podataka bilo potrebno određeno vrijeme. Nakon dostavljanja traženih podataka, izvršene su odgovarajuće statističke analize, te vizuelno predstavljanje rezultata po relevantnim kategorijama i indikatorima. U nastavku izvještaja najprije slijedi prezentacija i analiza statističkih, odnosno kvantitativnih pokazatelja rada pravosuđa u BiH u domenu procesuiranja koruptivnih krivičnih djela. Nakon toga prezentirani su rezultati analize odabranih pravosudnih akata, uz odgovarajuće poređenje sa rezultatima našeg prethodnog istraživanja u ovoj oblasti. Četvrto poglavlje donosi analizu transparentnosti pravosuđa BiH u ovoj oblasti, s posebnim fokusom na dostupnost informacija o postupcima za koruptivna krivična djela. Zaključna razmatranja sumiraju ključne nalaze ovog ciklusa monitoringa odgovora pravosuđa u BiH na korupciju.

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Obstacles to Evidence-Based Policy Making in Bosnia And Herzegovina

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The strengthening of policy-making capacities of public institutions in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is crucial considering the country’s vast scope of needed policy reforms and its ambition to join the EU. EU accession requires a challenging and fast-paced process of policy formulation, involving the harmonization of existing and the adoption of new legislation which is aligned with the EU acquis. However, although many programs in post-war BiH have sought to deliver technical assistance to public institutions at different levels of government, the policy-making practices and capacities of such institutions remain generally underdeveloped in key areas of policy making: policy formulation, impact assessment, and monitoring and evaluation of policy implementation and its effects. This is amply demonstrated by relevant OECD SIGMA reports for 2015 and 2017, with BiH scoring poorly in all segments of policy making, trailing behind neighboring countries. More specifically, available evidence shows that the underlying feature of policy making is a chronic lack of analytical capacity within public institutions and other policy actors, which severely restricts their capability to undertake sound policy making procedures. In other words, although, at the formal level, there are regulatory frameworks in place that should ensure proper policy making processes, the lack of analytical capacity renders those formal preconditions largely ineffective as it undermines evidence-based policy making. This policy memo particularly looks at the capacity for policy analysis of BiH government institutions. Its main purpose is to outline a set of measures that could be deployed to improve overall analytical capacity for policy making in the country. The policy memo takes a broader, systemic view, arguing that any attempt to improve the analytical capacity of government institutions will be insufficient if analytical capacities of other elements of the policy making ecosystem – such as non-governmental organizations actors, academia and independent research institutions – are neglected.

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Monitoring odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju u BiH - Izvještaj za 2017-2018. godinu

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

U cilju izvještavanja o kvalitetu i efikasnosti pravosudnih institucija Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) u kontekstu procesuiranja koruptivnih krivičnih djela, sačinili smo i treći po redu monitoring izvještaj, koji donosi analizu odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju u 2017. godini. S obzirom na nedostatak zvaničnih analiza i procjena rada pravosudnih organa u ovoj oblasti, istraživačkim resursima Analitike nastoji se omogućiti bolje razumijevanje funkcionisanja pravosudnog sistema u procesuiranju korupcije. Ovaj izvještaj, koji predstavlja nastavak naših aktivnosti iz 2016. i 2017. godine, na sistematičan i metodološki rigorozan način daje neovisnu ocjenu odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju, nudeći i komparativni pregled nalaza monitoringa i analize od 2015. do 2017. godine. U skladu s prethodno utvrđenim metodološkim okvirom, ovaj izvještaj pruža uvid u kvalitet odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju u 2017. godini, te donosi komparativnu analizu statističkih, kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih pokazatelja rada bosanskohercegovačkog pravosuđa u toj oblasti u posljednje tri godine. Na osnovu podataka dostavljenih od Visokog sudskog i tužilačkog vijeća BiH (VSTVBiH), predstavljeni su opći statistički podaci o predmetima u pravosudnim institucijama u BiH koji su vezani za koruptivna krivična djela, a koji su procesuirani tokom 2017. godine. Opći statistički podaci za potrebe ovog izvještaja su, zapravo, numerički pokazatelji obima posla tužilaštava i sudova u BiH u oblasti koruptivnih krivičnih djela u periodu od godine, a koji su dobijeni na osnovu zvaničnih podataka koje su nam dostavili predstavnici VSTV-a BiH. Numerički pokazatelji su osnova za generiranje kvantitativnih pokazatelja, koji se, u skladu sa našim metodološkim okvirom, dobijaju analizom odnosa nekih od ključnih kategorija i aspekata rada tužilaštava i sudova BiH u ovoj oblasti. Ovo istraživanje polazi od pretpostavke da se analizom isključivo kvantitativnih pokazatelja rada pravosudnih institucija ne bi dobila kompletna slika o kvalitetu odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju. Stoga je neophodno i uključivanje kvalitativnih pokazatelja, koji su dobijeni analizom sadržaja optužnica i pravosnažnih presuda, koja je izvršena na slučajnom uzorku pravosnažno okončanih predmeta u 2017. godini. Ključni pokazatelji su upoređeni sa relevantnim nalazima iz 2015, odnosno 2016. godine, kako bi se uočili trendovi u ovom domenu, o kojima se svakako može govoriti nakon tri godine konzistentnog monitoringa. Važno je naglasiti da se metodologija na kojoj je ovo istraživanje zasnovano ne bavi zakonskim okvirom za procesuiranje koruptivnih krivičnih djela, niti njegovom usklađenošću sa međunarodnim standardima i najboljim praksama. Kao i prethodni izvještaji, i ovaj se bavi analizom odgovora pravosudnih organa na koruptivna krivična djela u aktuelnom zakonskom okviru. No, kada su u pitanju međunarodni standardi i prakse, bitno je naglasiti da metodološki okvir prema njima ima aspiracijski pristup. Naime, gdje god smo mogli identificirati relevantni međunarodni standard (uključujući i odgovarajuće smjernice relevantnih tijela i institucija) koji nije eksplicitno predviđen aktuelnim pravnim okvirom u BiH, dali smo prednost tom standardu. Kao i prethodnih godina, u prikupljanju podataka za izradu izvještaja koji se odnosi na 2017. godinu ključni izvor bio je Odjel za pravosudnu upravu VSTV-a. Prikupljanje i dostavljanje podataka zahtijevalo je određeni period, uzimajući u obzir da VSTV ne organizuje podatke prema metodološkom okviru predviđenom za ovo istraživanje. Na osnovu dostavljenih podataka izvršene su statističke analize i rezultati su prezentirani odgovarajućim grafikonima. U nastavku izvještaja najprije slijedi pregled administrativnih podataka o procesuiranju koruptivnih krivičnih djela u BiH, odnosno prezentacija općih statističkih podataka i kvantitativnih pokazatelja koji se odnose na taj segment rada pravosuđa, s komparativnim osvrtom na nalaze iz prethodnih izvještaja. Zatim slijedi predstavljanje nalaza kvalitativne analize odabranih pravosudnih akata, te njihovo poređenje sa rezultatima u tom dijelu koji su prezentirani u prethodnim izvještajima. U trećem dijelu prezentirani su nalazi koji se odnose na pitanje transparentnosti pravosudnih institucija, koje je posebno važno u kontekstu procesuiranja korupcije. Na kraju, predstavljeni su zaključci istraživanja za 2017. godinu, ali i ukupnog trogodišnjeg ciklusa monitoringa i analize odgovora pravosuđa na korupciju u BiH.

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Transparentnost pravosuđa u Bosni i Hercegovini

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Bosnian

Transparentnost javnih institucija od suštinske je važnosti za demokratska društva: riječ je o mehanizmu koji građanima omogućava kontrolu i učešće u aktivnostima državnih institucija koje su od općeg značaja. Tri su komponente transparentnosti: reaktivna transparentnost, odnosno pravo građana da traže pristup informacijama koje su u posjedu javnih institucija; proaktivna transparentnost, odnosno obaveza javnih institucija da proaktivno omoguće što širi pristup informacijama kojima raspolažu, naprimjer, putem web-stranica; i, konačno, uspostavljanje mehanizama koji građanima garantuju da će država ispuniti svoje obaveze u domenu transparentnosti. Logično, u takvom kontekstu pravosuđe ne može biti izuzeto od obaveze transparentnog djelovanja, kako u domenu svojih administrativnih funkcija tako i u odnosu na pravosudnu praksu. U tom smislu, transparentnost pravosuđa podrazumijeva otvoren pristup informacijama o radu pravosudnih institucija. Transparentnost sudova i tužilaštava sastoji se iz dvije ključne komponente: proceduralna otvorenost i institucionalno-organizacijska otvorenost. Osnovni elementi proceduralne otvorenosti su javnost krivičnog postupka kojim se zainteresiranim stranama omogućava prisustvo glavnom pretresu i izricanju presude, te dostupnost sudskih i tužilačkih dokumenata prikupljenih ili sačinjenih tokom postupka. Pritom, minimalni zahtjev u tom smislu je osigurati pristup presudama i optužnicama u skladu sa zakonima o slobodi pristupa informacijama. Institucionalno-organizacijska otvorenost podrazumijeva pristup administrativnim informacijama (npr., proces imenovanja sudija, javne nabavke, informacije o imovini sudija itd.), kao i pristup informacijama o funkcionisanju pravosudnog sistema u širem smislu, poput statističkih podataka o broju i vrsti obrađenih predmeta, trajanju i rasporedu suđenja, uključujući i relevantne dokumente o krivičnim predmetima, poput sudskih i tužilačkih akata. Ovo potonje se u principu osigurava proaktivnom transparentnošću pravosudnih institucija, prije svega, objavljivanjem relevantnih informacija i dokumenata putem njihovih web-stranica. Transparentnost pravosuđa od izuzetne je važnosti zbog više razloga. Prije svega, transparentnost je važna komponenta osiguranja prava na fer suđenje, jer značajno smanjuje prostor za pristrasnost i nezakonito djelovanje tokom sudskog postupka. Drugim riječima, transparentnost pravosuđa osigurava pravilnost, nepristrasnost i objektivnost suđenja. Pored toga, transparentnost također ima i edukativnu, odnosno preventivnu funkciju. Izuzetno važan efekat transparentnosti pravosuđa odnosi se na jačanje legitimiteta i autoriteta pravosudnih institucija u društvu. Može se reći da što su pravosudne institucije transparentnije, to je njihov autoritet veći. Također, transparentnost pravosudnih institucija može doprinijeti i njihovoj neovisnosti, s obzirom na to da je mnogo teže vršiti pritisak na sudije i tužitelje ako su procedure javne. Kada je riječ o ulozi pravosudnog sistema u borbi protiv korupcije, transparentnost pravosuđa ima posebno važnu ulogu. Naime, transparentnost može pomoći unapređenju funkcionisanja pravosudnog sistema i, iznad svega, pozicionirati pravosudne institucije kao ključne aktere u borbi protiv korupcije, koji svojim radom mogu direktno “unaprijediti korištenje javnih resursa i kvalitet javnih politika, te utjecati na način na koji građani percipiraju vladine institucije”. U tom smislu, “osiguranje transparentnosti postupaka koji se bave koruptivnim krivičnim djelima tim je važnije jer je riječ o predmetima od posebnog interesa za javnost”. U Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) se već godinama radi na unapređenju transparentnosti pravosudnih institucija. Međutim, iako su postignuti određeni pomaci na tom planu, rezultati su daleko od zadovoljavajućih. Posebno je ograničen napredak u domenu proaktivne transparentnosti, pri čemu BiH zaostaje kako za trendovima u toj oblasti tako i za susjednim državama, koje su na tom planu, komparativno posmatrano, dosta napredovale. U tom smislu, ovaj tekst daje sažeti pregled stepena transparentnosti pravosudnog sistema u BiH i nudi okvirne preporuke za rješavanje niza problema u toj oblasti.

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Development of the Tbilisi Railway Line

Author(s): Irakli Zhvania / Language(s): English

This document provides a complex assessment of the mainstream opinions and approaches concerning the Tbilisi rail line through the lens of urban planning and city development. The Tbilisi railway line, which serves either freight or passenger transfer, crosses the city and divides into the north-east and the south-east parts. The Railway infrastructure, which covers the land of 80 hectares, was built in Soviet times and is mostly obsolete nowadays. The majority of its territory isn’t utilized for railway-related purposes, some parts of the land are privatized, some buildings are either abandoned or rented out by the Georgian Railway. This whole infrastructure includes certain territories of Gldani, Nadzaladevi, Didube, Chughureti, Isani, and Samgori regions. The idea of relocating the Tbilisi railway line emerged many years ago. The intention was to use the freed-up territory for other city planning and developmental purposes. To that end, in 2010, the construction of the Tbilisi bypass railway line started, but in 2013, due to some emerging miscalculations, the project was terminated.

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The COVID-19 Pandemic and its Impact on Georgia’s Economy - Regional Analysis (Tbilisi, Adjara, Imereti, Kakheti, Shida Kartli)

Author(s): Tamar Khorbaladze / Language(s): English

In 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic caused a severe healthcare crisis and brought a devastating impact on the economy. The world, including Georgia, started assessing the scale and scope of damage back in Spring 2020, but by the end of the year, the impact became more explicit and measurable, even on the regional level. Therefore, presented projections and recommendations are more grounded and realistic.

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Challenges to the Citizen. Participation in the Local Self-Governance

Author(s): Koka Kighuradze / Language(s): English

Modern forms of democratic governance are based on the public participation principle. Development objectives require good governance, which implies citizen participation in the governance process. Currently, we are witnessing a trend of disenchantment and alienation among politics and the public. Politicians are perceived as a group of elected officials, though distanced and separated from the public, to govern and solve public issues for a specific period of time. This is an increasingly troublesome tendency in Georgian society too, demonstrated in the latest massive survey, «Citizen Satisfaction with Public Services in Georgia», conducted by the Georgian research company ACT with the assistance from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in Georgia, Swiss Cooperation Office for the South Caucasus (SCO) and the Austrian Development Cooperation (ADC). The survey research shows the citizens’ attitudes towards the public services provided by the central and the local governments. Some tendencies revealed by the survey requires comprehensive analysis.

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Challenges to Georgia’s Health System on the Municipal Level amidst COVID-19 Pandemic

Author(s): Nino Mirzikashvili / Language(s): English

Municipal public healthcare services are funded by the local budget, though their management is the prerogative of the National Center for Disease Control and Public Health. Notably, programs in which local healthcare services are engaged may be funded by the central government too. The coronavirus pandemic demonstrated that the lack of human resources is the primary challenge on the municipal level. Effective management of the crisis is largely dependent on the epidemiologists’ and healthcare professionals’ efforts on local levels.

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Decentralization and the Role of Citizens in Heritage Protection

Author(s): Tamara Amashukeli / Language(s): English

Our goal should be to develop cultural heritage in a way that does not endanger it, but fully reflects its value so that cultural heritage takes its proper place in the life of the country and its economic progress. To achieve this goal, protecting cultural heritage should become a state priority, with protection and management issues fully integrated into strategic documents and action plans. All public bodies including public agencies and the education system, as well as professional and civil society, should be equally involved in strategy development, implementation, and monitoring. And this shouldn’t just be on paper - we are still far from our desired goal, and we still do not see institutions whose job it is to develop and implement these policies taking concrete steps. Citizens need to take the charge and achieve the desired result with concrete, consistent steps of their own.

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Challenges related to Public Financial Management at the Municipal Level in Georgia

Author(s): Shorena Kakhidze / Language(s): English

In the context of Georgia’s decentralization, the focus is on areas related to the financial management of municipalities. Budget execution (accounting and bookkeeping) and procurement systems are generally common to central and subnational governments. In the context of municipal governance, areas such as budget development and oversight require special attention. Public financial management evaluations have identified several areas that need to be improved. In particular, municipal financial management operations, accounting, and reporting in accordance with international standards and practices are planned as medium-term local-government tasks along with increasing accountability and transparency in municipal public finances.

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COVID-19 Vaccination in Georgia and the Role of Local Government in Defeating the Pandemic

Author(s): Nino Mirzikashvili / Language(s): English

The purpose of this policy document is not to assess pandemic and immunization management in Georgia but to analyze the positive and negative decisions that have affected the spread of the virus and, consequently, the lethality rate. Another goal of this document is to increase trust in the COVID-19 vaccine and increase public acceptance and demand for it, especially at the municipal level.

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გენდერული თანასწორობის შეფასება საქართველოს პოლიტიკურ პარტიებში

Author(s): Bakur Kvashilava,Kathia Gogilashvili,Zviad Barkaia / Language(s): English,Georgian

The political party system of Georgia keeps the characteristics of the predominant party type system following the system used by G. Sartori where “a predominant-party system is such to the extent, and as long as, its major party is consistently supported by a winning majority (the absolute majority of seats) of the voters.” That is for most of the existence of independent Georgia since 1995 a winning party consistently amassed more than 50% of the parliamentary seats. Other measures, such as Laakso and Taagepera’s Effective Number of Parties (ENP) index also show that since 2008 the number of relevant political parties in Georgia had been consistently under two. ENP measures the relative power of political parties according to the seats obtained in the highest legislature or votes received in the most recent national elections. These indicators clearly demonstrate that political power tends to be highly concentrated in Georgia and meaningful political pluralism is very limited. Georgian political system is also characterized by high turnover of political actors. Pedersen’s index of Political Instability consistently shows that any turnover in the government is accompanied by dramatic changes in the composition of the main legislative body, where newly created political organizations often receive overwhelming majority of seats and frequently, former incumbents altogether disappear from political arena. The party system of Georgia is very biased towards a winning party, usually the incumbent, the number of relevant political parties is very low and the system displays a high degree of volatility.

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Inclusion of Ethnic Minorities in the Political Process in the Context of 2018 Presidential Elections of Georgia

Author(s): Bakur Kvashilava / Language(s): English

Still the electoral process in Georgia is believed to be less democratic and government is suspected to use more administrative resources and pressure to obtain positive outcome than in the other parts of the country. The present paper aims at exploring whether this statement holds true. It examines the trends regarding to voting behavior in the 2018 Presidential Elections in the districts where minorities comprise at least 1/3 of the population and compares it to other districts’ data that do not have this characteristic. It also looks at the reports and observations produced by local and international organizations that monitored the elections to establish if there were more instances of serious violations in the ethnic minority regions.

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Роль молодіжних крил партій в залученні молоді до політичного життя України

Author(s): Anna Denis / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

Since independent Ukraine is a relatively young state on the map of Europe, and the processes of its state building took place fast and furious, it seems interesting to investigate what effect on the formation of democracy was made by the young generation in Ukraine. From such a point of view, the purpose of this study is to analyze the participation of young people in political life of independent Ukraine and the role of youth wings political parties in activating young voters. (BI-LINGUAL EDITION)

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Analysis of the current State of Political Education in Ukraine

Author(s): Olena Zakharova,Anatolii Oktysyuk,Svitlana Radchenko / Language(s): English

This study may be useful for representatives of higher education institutions, government agencies, political parties and non-governmental organizations in terms of studying the best practices in developing political education programs based on comparing existing programs, identifying the strengths and weaknesses of each of them. The paper contains a comprehensive analysis of political education programs from different actors, as well as analysis of needs that are not met by existing programs. As a result, political parties that do not currently have their own youth education projects or party literacy activists will receive the necessary guidance and experience that will encourage them to intensify their work in this direction. When developing such programs, political parties should pay attention to international non-governmental organizations, funds that provide support, including financial, for the implementation of such initiatives.

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Бій із Голіафом: Реформа партійних фінансів в Україні

Author(s): Oleksii Sydorchuk / Language(s): English,Ukrainian

This current policy paper is the first in a series which the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy will make available to the stakeholders of Ukrainian democracy: political parties, NGOs, international organizations and students of democratization. It addresses one of the most salient aspects of political debate of the recent, not only in Ukraine, but elsewhere too: that of the relation between money and politics. The author of the paper has taken a thorough look at existing shortcomings of the current system and practice of political finance and has come up with a number of recommendations. We hope they will be taken up for consideration by political actors in Ukraine. We also hope that it will be a useful addition to the debate on how to strengthen democracy in Ukraine and ensure that all democratic political forces, regardless of their funding levels, will have equal opportunities to win votes based on their policy ideas, in a free, competitive and transparent manner, and that they remain accountable to those who voted for them. I would like to thank Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation, for putting its valuable expertise in the production of this paper, and to the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, for providing comments and valuable peer review to this work. With this series of policy papers, NIMD aims to further promote an informed debate about the changes that are needed to make it happen. (BI-LINGUAL EDITION)

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Intra-party democracy and local governance

Author(s): Tamar Bagratia,Medea Badashvili,David Jijelava,Irakli Khmaladze / Language(s): English

The three issues that are covered in these papers are essentially the building blocks of modern democracy. Without the active involvement of young people, politics will be devoid of new, innovative ideas and dynamism. Similarly, without equal opportunities for both women and men, any political system will be leaving an important, vital group of stakeholders without a voice in politics, thus eroding its quality and people’s trust in it. Finally, local governments are the cornerstones of any democracy. Their effectiveness, as well as the quality of the services they render, determines what trust and support will be accorded to the general arrangement of the nation’s political system. The challenges that are discussed in the three papers are important and should not be neglected; the opportunities they present are ripe and will need to be further exploited. We therefore hope that this publication makes an interesting contribution to Georgia’s progress towards becoming a more balanced, highly participatory and genuine multiparty democracy serving its citizens justly and effectively.

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Strategic Planning for Political Parties: A Practical Tool

Author(s): Caspar van den Berg,Kati Piri,Sam van der Staak,Levan Tsutskiridze / Language(s): English

This publication provides a practical tool to help political parties conduct strategic planning and offers assistance providers and political parties alike a step-by-step methodology for conducting this planning process. If political parties want to prepare adequately for tomorrow’s political developments, they have to invest in their organization and its foundations. Doing so is only possible if the political party’s organizational structure and processes adequately reflect the rapidly changing political landscape that surrounds it. This means regularly analysing surroundings and adapting to new developments using broad input from within the party.

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