Egy kudarc okai. Kanizsa 1601. évi ostroma

Author(s): Zoltán Péter Bagi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2013

After a 45-day siege, Georg von Paradeiser was forced to surrender Kanizsa to the assaulting Ottoman army on 22 October, 1600. After the fall of the castle, preparations for setting up a new defensive line to protect the remaining territories in Southern Transdanubia, Styria and Lower Austria started in Vienna and Graz as early as October. Playing a key role in defending both the Holy Roman Empire and Italy, the protective structures around Kanizsa had been planned and constructed before the Fifteen Years War according to clearly defined military conceptions, taking into consideration the terrain, hydrography and road infrastructure of the surrounding area. On the other hand, after the fall of the castle, negotiations started between Vienna and Graz about planning, as a major military action for the following year, the recapture of the strategically important fortress. However, during the negotiations held in Vienna in December 1600, it became clear that the army of the governor of Inner Austria (Styria, Carinthia and Carniola), Archduke Ferdinand could only count on military support from the Pope, Tuscany, Mantua and Spain for this campaign. After a siege lasting 68 days, the attempt to recapture the castle ended in failure on 16 November, 1601. Instead of describing the stages of the siege, the author intends to present all those circumstances in his paper which decisively influenced the progress of the campaign and mainly contributed to its failure. These include the lack of proper preparations for the campaign, the ignorance of the military leadership and the weather conditions.

Jelenlét a nyelvben (különös tekintettel a múlt jelenlétére)

Author(s): Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2013

Kezdésként a nyelvet fogom tárgyalni, majd megpróbálok eljutni valamihez, ami nem a nyelv. Ezután visszatérek a nyelvhez annak a valaminek a nézőpontjából, ami nem a nyelv. Ennek a valaminek, ami nem a nyelv, korábban a „jelenlét” nevet adtam. Jelen esszé tehát a nyelvtől a jelenlét, majd attól a nyelvbeli jelenlét felé halad. Ez az egyszerű oda-vissza mozgás három részre strukturálódik. Az első rész a nyelvtől a jelenléthez vezető négy premisszát tartalmaz:1 (a) egy rövid magyarázatát mindannak, amit a hermeneutikai tradícióban kritizálok; (b) a „metafizikát” és a „metafizika kritikáját” illető fogalmaim bemutatását; (c) a „jelenlét” szó általam használt jelentésének a kifejtését; és (d) a „jelenlétkultúrák” és „jelentéskultúrák” közötti tipológiai különbségtételt illető javaslatomat. Reflexióm második része a jelenléttől a nyelvhez visszavezető utat (vagy a visszavezető utak változatosságát) vázolja fel, és hét olyan módot ír le, amelyek segítségével a jelenlét képes lehet arra, hogy a nyelvben létezzen, vagy más szavakkal, hét olyan módot, amelyeken keresztül a jelenlét és a nyelv egybeolvaszthatók. Az „egybeolvasztás” metaforája a jelenlét és a nyelv közötti, elvi alapokon inkább bonyolult, semmint „természetes” kapcsolatra utal. A hét mód a következő: a nyelv mint jelenlét; jelenlét a filológiai munkában; az esztétikai tapasztalat kiváltására képes nyelv; a misztikus tapasztalat nyelve; a nyelv világ iránti nyitottsága; az irodalom mint epifánia; valamint a múlt jelenvalóvá tétele. A harmadik, visszatekintő részben felteszem a kérdést, hogy a jelenlét és a nyelv egybeolvasztásának ezen módjai vajon azon kérdések és problémák horizontjához vezetnek-e, amelyeket Martin Heidegger próbált felvetni akkor, amikor a filozófiájának egy kései szakaszában mind jobban kezdett ragaszkodni a nyelv „Lét házaként” való metaforikus megidézéséhez.

Jaume Vicens Vives

Author(s): Krisztina Nemes / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2013

Jaume Vicens Vives katalán történész, író, egyetemi tanár és könyvkiadó a spanyol történetírás megújítója 1910-ben született Gironában, és 1960-ban hunyt el Lyonban. Korai halála nagy veszteséget jelentett nemcsak a spanyol-katalán tudományos élet, hanem a katalán közélet és politika számára is. 2010-ben, születésének századik és halálának ötvenedik évfordulója alkalmával Spanyolország-szerte megemlékezések, szemináriumok, közéleti események, tudományos szimpóziumok és konferenciák sora adózott emlékének, melyek közül érdemes megemlíteni néhányat. Így például I. János Károly király elnökletével emlékbizottság alakult, melyben a tudományos és kulturális élet legrangosabb képviselői mellett helyet kapott Madrid polgármestere és a katalán autonóm kormány, valamint a katalán városok képviselete is. A Museu d’Història de Catalunya Jaume Vicens Vives i la Nova Història 1910–1960 (Jaume Vicens Vives és az Új Történetírás 1910–1960) címmel rendezett kiállítást a l’Editorial Vicens Vives kiadóház és a hivatalos (de nem politikai természetű) megemlékezéseket szervező Sociedad Estatal de Commemoraciones Culturales, valamint a Valenciai Egyetem közreműködésével. Emellett cikkek jelentek meg – többek között – az El País, a Vanguardia, a Serra d’Or hasábjain, illetve a FAES honlapján. A megemlékezések sora Sir John Elliott brit hispanista konferenciájával zárult, melyen személyesen részt vett a spanyol uralkodó is.

Wittman Tibor a magyar történetírásban

Author(s): Ádám Anderle / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2013

Tanulmányomban azt szeretném megvizsgálni, hol is van Wittman Tibor professzor helye a magyar történetírásban. Erre jó alkalmat kínált a Wittman professzor életművéről és örökségéről Szegeden 2012. szeptember 24–26. között rendezett konferencia, mely immár a harmadik a sorban: 1983-ban és 1998-ban (születésének 60. és 75. évfordulóján) ugyan rendeztünk tudományos ülésszakot tiszteletére,1 ám akkor még úgy éreztük, hiányzik a kellő távolság egy ilyen kérdés felvetéséhez. Úgy gondolom, hogy ma már ez a távlat megvan, s tudományos alkalom is kínálkozik ehhez.

Recenze: Mareš, M., Výborný, J.: Militantní demokracie ve střední Evropě

Author(s): Michal Ševčík / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2014

This is a book review of a monography about militant democracy in Central Europe.

Recenze: Kraus, J. Íránský státní terorismus

Author(s): Martin Doleček / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2014

This is a book review of a monography about Iranian state terrorism.

Economic recources of Kadyrov´s regime

Author(s): Tomáš Šmíd / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

The regime of Ramzan Kadyrov, leader of the Russian Federation’s Chechen Republic, has become a frequent subject of social science research in recent years. The author of this text has engaged issues related to Chechnya for a number of years, and this article aims to introduce the Kadyrov regime’s key economic sources enabling him to remain in power, or, more precisely, strenghten his power and influence. The author examines the issue via the concept of criminalization of the state. Data collection was conducted via field research in the region in the form of over a dozen informal, unstructured interviews with the local population, 16 semi-structured interviews with experts as well as representatives from the non-profit sector and state administration, all of which, given the nature of the topic and the regime, demanded anonymity. Media and journalistic resources as well as relevant expert literature, particularly related to the topics of criminalization, (organized) crime, and armed non-state actors, were also used.

Enemies among us: The anti-elitist and xenophobic discourses in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

Author(s): Eva Kluknavská / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

The extreme right parties offer a clear identification between “us” and “them”, translating the dichotomy into friend-enemy distinction. These parties share a core of anti-elitist and xenophobic attitudes, that are in the case of the extreme right in Central and Eastern Europe usually directed at the ruling establishment and the Roma minority. The aim of this exploratory paper is to analyse the frames employed by extreme right parties that serve to construct meanings about their main perceived enemies, the political elites and the Roma,in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The paper builds upon the assumption that meanings are not naturally attached to objects and events, but are constructed through interpretive processes producing specific frames. Applying the frame analysis, the paper examines the discourses of the People’s Party Our Slovakia and the Worker’s Party of Social Justice in regard to their enemies in the period of 2010-2013. The results indicate that the strategy employed by the parties is similar to new master frame combining xenophobia and anti-political-establishment populism. The paper makes an empirical contribution to the research on the extreme right and the ideological processes of extreme right parties in Central and Eastern Europe.

Is Israeli-Palestinian Conflict a Clash of Civilization? Samuel P. Huntington’s Theory Challenged.

Author(s): Samuel Antwi Darkwah,Eva Taterová / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

Soon after being published, the theory of the clash of civilizations presented by established American professor Samuel P. Huntington aroused the unprecedented discussion. Despite all, more or less legitimate objections that can stand against Huntington's theory, its impact on politics is at least in some cases indisputable. This article aims to analyze a statement whether the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be classified as a clash of civilization, or more precisely a fault line war, working with a definition that American political scientist Samuel P. Huntington introduced in his famous book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996). The authors of the article use the example of Israeli-Palestinian conflict and examine the individual criteria of the fault line wars designed by Huntington. Those criteria are following: the geographic proximity of two different civilizations, different religions and cultures, separate social structures and the historical memories of both societies. Finally, based on the analysis of these criteria the authors introduce their conclusions. They deny Huntington’s statement claiming that Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an example of a fault line war, and thus they propose some revisions of clash of civilizations theory.

Czech Defence League v kontextu antidžihádistického hnutí

Author(s): David Mrva / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2014

This paper focuses on the czech group called Czech Defence League. The group is analyzed in the light of extremism theory and is compared with the broader couter-jihad movement. While we can see some local specifics of this group determined by different situation concerning the muslim population in the Czech Republic, Czech Defence League is in most respects typical counter-jihad group. Also, an approach of Czech Ministry of the Interior towards the CZDL is examined as an example of czech militant democracy.

Ljudska Prava u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori

Author(s): Vojin Dimitrijević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 01/2004

Table of Content in "Human Rights in Serbia and Montenegro 2004"

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2004

«Old-Croatian Crown» or the Construction and Use of a National and Political Symbol from the Late 19th Century to the Worl War II

Author(s): Mario Jareb / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

The article is dealing with the construction and use of the Croatian royal crown and later «Old-Croatian crown» as a type of Croatian national symbol from the second half of the 19th century to the WWII. The notion of the existence of an independent Croatian Kingdom in the early Middle Ages with its own king and royal crown contributed during the second half of the 19th century to the emergence of the idea of a Croatian royal crown from the past as the symbolic representation of a desired Croatian sovereignty in an united Croatian state. At the beginning the idea relied on the name of Croatian King Zvonimir, who ruled from 1076 to 1089. His name remained in the memory of Croatian elites as the name of a powerful and independent king. During the following decades historical research revealed that he was crowned with the crown sent to him by Pope Gregory VII, so some circles marked the Croatian royal crown as Zvonimir’s crown. At that time Croatia (The Triune Kingdom of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia) constituted a part of the Realm of St. Stephen. The Hungarian St. Stephen’s crown served for centuries as a Croatian royal crown as well. During this period the inclusion of the Triune Kingdom in the Realm of St. Stephen was widely accepted in Croatia with St. Stephen’s crown occasionally used as a Croatian symbol. However, misunderstandings led to conflict and to the break up of the union during the revolutionary year of 1848, subsequently St. Stephen’s crown was no longer acknowledged as the Croatian royal crown. The union was re-established in 1868 on the basis of the Hungarian-Croatian Compromise of the same year. The latter allowed the Triune Kingdom to retain its statehood and autonomy within the Lands of the Crown of St. Stephen, but due to the dominant position it secured to Hungarian side it was always observed by the majority of Croats as a tool of Hungarian domination. The provision that the Croatian coat of arms should in official use be surmounted with St. Stephen’s crown could not in these new circumstances win the hearts of the Croatian population. It is not suprising that the idea of a separate Croatian royal crown, at that time usually marked by contemporaries as Zvonimir’s crown, emerged as the symbol of a desired Croatian sovereignty. During the course of time the title Zvonimir’s crown was challenged by the name of the first Croatian king Tomislav, but the idea of a Croatian crown survived. At the very end of the 19th century with the publication of the image of a crowned early Medieval Croatian King from a bas-relief in Split the ground was layed for the visualization of the idea and its transformation into a symbol based on the image of a real object from the past. During the following years and decades the symbolic image of the «Old-Croatian Crown» was created. Its wide use in the public as the symbol of the past is based on the celebration of the Thousandth Anniversary of the Croatian Kingdom in 1925.

Беженцы, апатриды, иммигранты: новый взгляд

Author(s): N. V. Turygina / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The article presents the review on the monograph «Russian Emigration in France: social history (1920–1939)» by French historian and demographer C. Gouseff. Although the problem of refugee status and phenomenon of Russia Abroad during the inter-war period became the object of numerous scientific researches, the reviewer observes the book a trustworthy study. Statistical data of demographic processes introduced into practice enable to consider this phenomenon in a new way.

Preparation for a good death in the last wills of Dubrovnik citizens from the late 13th and mid-14th century and the influence of the black death to t

Author(s): Gordan Ravančić / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2014

The comparatively large number of surviving testaments written in late 13th and early 14th century, kept at State Archives in Dubrovnik within the Republic of Dubrovnik archival holdings, is an inexhaustible source of research material for historians. It may be said that testaments as private legal documents are among the best sources for study of economic, social, legal, cultural and spiritual life in medieval Dalmatian communes. In this short article, I hope to demonstrate how a quantitative approach to the study of information contained in the testaments of contemporary Dubrovnik residents may be successfully used to elucidate not just economic and legal facts, but also certain social processes. The analysis focuses on a relatively small sample of 432 testaments, of the total of over 900, from this period. The examined testaments are from the following years: 1295, 1296, 1325, 1326 and 1348. While it is obvious that the sample is relatively small when compared with the total number of testaments kept in the Dubrovnik archives, this study should reveal certain changes in the distribution of bequests over the examined time period. These results should not be regarded as ‘absolute’ but they do reflect certain social, economic and organizational trends in the contemporary Dubrovnik communal social system, as well as concerning their spiritual mentality.

Тибор Живкович (11.03.1966 – 26. 03.2013) [Некролог]

Author(s): Irena Cvijanović,Dejan Crnčević / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The obituary article of Tibor Živković (11.03.1966 – 26. 03.2013), a Serbian historian and specialist in the medieval history of Serbia, the South Slavs and Byzantium. The article presents a short biography of Tibor Živković and gives a general characteristics of his activities in the field of medieval history.

Мусульманский папа на Московском престоле («Шапка Казанская» Ивана IV Грозного из Оружейной палаты)

Author(s): Mikhail Viktorovich Gorelik / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

«Kazan crown» of Ivan the Terrible is saved in the Armoury in Moscow Kremlin. It symbolized his status as a ruler of the Kazan Khanate and an owner of Chingisides throne. This status legitimated his hew title «Tsar» In the 13th – 15th centuries the Chingisides only had the possibilities to bear this title. So, in the light of these circumstances it is very important and interesting to study regalia of the Kazan Khanate. Modern Kazan scholars assumed, that the «Kazan crown» had been a trophy of Ivan the Terrible in 1552. The Author of paper supposes, that it is impossible. The crown has an unusual, specific form of tiara with three aureoles. A similar form has the pope’s tiara only. We also have to find a similar crown at the Italian engravings of the second quarter of the 16th century. It was a portrait of Turkish sultan Sulejman Kanuni (Magnificent). We know, that it was a real crown, which symbolized the claims of Turkish sultans on the Italian Rome and Holy Roman Empire. This crown was made by Venetian master. Sulejman Kanuni was an idol of Ivan the Terrible. The Author surmises, that Tsar Ivan had ordered a portrait of sultan, and then ― a crown as Sulejman owned. The masters, which made the crown, were Russians and Tatars.

«In der Tyrannen Hand»: Русская колонизация Ливонии во второй половине ХVI в. Планы и результаты.

Author(s): Hieronim Grala / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2014

The Author reviews the Russian policy in Livonia in 1558–1582, attempts of legitimation of Ivan’s rights to the hard-won lands. The paper describes contacts with local residents, administrative problems of Tsar’s bureaucracy, social and economic peculiarities of Russian colonization, religious and national Muscovy’s policy. The Author emphasizes special features of colonization. This colonization had an exclusive type in the history of territorial expantion of Muscovy. In contrast to the conquests of Kazan and Astrakhan’ Khaganates the annexion of Livonia passed at the densely populated territory with many strongholds and castles, peopled by Christians. The process of Livonian subjugation had been very hard. Several offices were in charge of admimistration of new territories at once: Razryadny Prikaz, Zemsky Prikaz, Gorodovoj Prikaz. The Russian immigrants to Livonia became the special problem. They had differing culture and traditions of behaviour. The «the apple of Sodom» brought the policy of discrimination of residential population. Germans and Letts supported king Stephan Bathory during the last years of Livonian War (for example ― the capture of Wenden in 1577). Toleration, which was promised to Livonians, had limited use, and was at variance with «Orthodoxy Rekonkista». Tsar’s administration in Livonia could not solve none key problems.

ŠTA JESTE A ŠTA TREBA BITI IDENTITET?

Author(s): Nijaz Ibrulj / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03/2004

In this paper the author examines the relationship between the complex notion of identity and social ontology in an attempt to find answers to some disturbing questions: What is identity, and what should it be? Who are the enemies of identity in modern society, and why? What are the central premises of a “strong theory of identity” and a “weak theory of identity?” Who is behind the process of globalization and the creation of the idea of transnational identity, and why? What part do speculative international capital and cultural capital play in globalization? What is the true background to the new social ontology in Europe? Indicatively, the author directs the spotlight onto the relationship between the political economy of national identity, an “anchored identity” which it creates, and the political economy of transnational identity and “mobile identity” or “identity in action”, which seeks a form of functioning through the liberalization of society and the individual. This kind of “liberalization” is taking place by entering into monetary and military alliances, through the instrumentalization of cultural capital and the hybridization of races, nations and cultures to create an international society with interactive paradigms inherited from the old multinational empires, problematic or democratic “consociations,” immigrant societies and nation-states. The author perceives the project of transnational socialization, as the main instrument of the process of creating a new social ontology in Europe, not as a project of inverting national socialization, but as an interactive and recursive reaction in which tolerant people are those who need to be tolerated at another level.

SAVREMENA GLOBALIZACIJA I BIH

Author(s): Momir Ćećez / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 03/2004

Globalization is indeed a global process, and no one can remain untouched by it, particularly not small countries. The challenge is how to become part of it on the most favourable terms; how can a small country like Bosnia and Herzegovina become part of the process. This calls for extensive study and investigation, but the route to be taken can be indicated, at least. In accepting globalization, one should consider the privileges and benefits it offers, particularly through the usances of the World Trade Organization for developing countries. A clear development policy is required, with the emphasis on the comparative advantages of Bosnia and Herzegovina and on a structure for the economy appropriate to the global market. A subtle analysis of the laws of globalization and the local comparative opportunities for Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a thoroughly well-prepared economic policy in regard to the specific circumstances of Bosnia and Herzegovina, will enable us to find ways to involve Bosnia and Herzegovina in globalization trends. Some transition countries have already achieved this; why should Bosnia and Herzegovina not do so too.