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In this paper, the author interprets the political aspects of cultural hegemonism. Firstly, a theoretical differentiation is made between the cultural and the political hegemonism, and then, a discussion is opened about the occurrences of cultural annexation. The practical instances of cultural hegemonism, upon which political interests are being reflected, are taken from the Balkan region. Chronologically, the initial forms of Balkan cultural hegemonism observed here are from the second half of the 19th century, while also taking into account their later implications in the 21st century. Particular attention is focused on the ‘Macedonian case’. The code of 19th-century Balkan cultural hegemonism was visibly activated at the beginning of the 21st century, while it was latently trailing through the entire 20th century. The author argues that cultural hegemonism is a historical phenomenon, governed by general historical principles and laws, so it may be foreseeable and replaced by better solutions.
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The article is based upon the analysis of the minutes of the meetings of the Assembly of the District People’s Committee Senj, its Executive Committee, and the minutes of the plenum and the Bureau of the District Committee of the Communist Party of Croatia. The administrative organisation of Senj District was researched, the legal acts of the administrative bodies and the decisions of the state-legal history of Senj in the period from 1946 to 1948 preserved in the State Archives in Rijeka and the Collective Archival Centre in Senj.The meetings of the District People’s Committee and the Executive Committee are chronologically analysed apart from those from 1945 and 1946 which were not preserved. From the archive material the organisation of the district people’s committee can be determined, its committees, commissions and boards, budget adoptions, the work of the local people’s committees and voters’ meetings, economic entities (businesses), the work of the courts and the election of judge assessors, as well as educational policies (especially literacy) and health.
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The article examines the current state of global problems of terrorism: as a phenomenon, phenomenon, challenge and threat to security around the world, in view of its new forms and methods of manifestation of terrorist acts. The main problems in addressing this complex and comprehensive issue are highlighted, due to the importance of the strategies and measures that are adopted and implemented, how effective and anticipatory terrorist acts are.
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The paper examines the balance of power in relation to the security interests of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). The economic, military (conventional) and geopolitical power of these two military alliances as well as their permanent member states are calculated according to the powermetric methodology and actually available data. It refers to a powermetrics as the applied science dealing with measurements, assessments and evaluation of public life participant’s (actors) power, particularly of states, and the modeling, simulation and forecast of relationship between them in global, regional and local dimension.
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The Russian Federation is interested in destabilizing the states that itrecognizes as its sphere of influence. This applies to the greatest extent to the so-calledHoly Rus, that is, Ukraine and Belarus. So it inspires activities aimed at the so-called„Secondary nationalization”, as exemplified by the concept of „Russkiy mir”, which isbased on the pursuit of national-cultural and historical-political integration of theRussian-speaking community.The purpose of this article is to show the role of this concept in the policy of theRussian Federation towards Ukraine. "Russkiy mir" is a tool of Russian geopoliticalexpansion on the territory of this country, although the project lost its significance afterthe autocephalous status of the Ukrainian Church was granted on January 6, 2019
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The article shows the basic ways and means of conducting activities that arepart of the so-called masikirovka, implemented by the Russian Federation. Maskirovka'svarious definitions were presented and its place in the information struggle wasexplained. The importance of maskirovka is related to the growing importance of theinformation struggle, whose role is growing rapidly due to the infiltration of informationtechnologies into all areas of human activity, including the military circles. This processled to profound changes in the theory and practice of the art of war. It also changedviews on the nature of the conflict, as well as the perception of war and the methods ofits conduct. A special place in the article is occupied by the analysis of the evolution ofthe Russian maskirovka from the Second World War to the invasion of Ukraine, shownon historical examples.
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The article is part of studies concerning the Polish ethnic policy. Its main aim isan attempt to evaluate mentioned policy in the light of the international law standards.A tool for that is analysis of the documents regarding implementation by Poland of theprovisions of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) andthe Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM).
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In connection with the lack of barriers preventing the penetration of cultures inthe European Union and beyond, the question arises about the ability of Member States(but also social and ethnic groups) to protect their own cultural identity. Openness to theworld threatens cultural security on the one hand, and on the other hand promotes thedevelopment of culture by internalizing foreign values not contradictory to their ownidentity. The problem of creating mechanisms that preserve sui generis the golden mean(if at all possible) between cultural security and the crisis is also becoming importantfrom the point of view of national and international security.
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The Schengen area tends to be commonly misconstrued in the public perception as being ‘border-free’, defined by the unrestrained mobility of people, goods and capital. In reality the so-called ‘internal borders’ are still marked by a fervour of activities, conducted by the various national state agencies created for the purpose of territorial protection. Identity and migration checks – which often strikingly resemble pre-Schengen border checks – special crime-prevention tasks and transnational operations of police-type forces, detention and the unrelenting transfers of asylum-seekers and forced returns of illegalised migrants (also of EU nationals) are only a few among the many responsibilities of the various border-guard formations. This paper, based on data from fieldwork with the street-level Polish Border Guards working in the Intra-Schengen border region on the Polish–German border, analyses the impact of different levels of institutional discretion: official, local and individual, with a particular focus on the officers’ behaviour and decision-making and on the role of discretion within the policy implementation of a specific procedure. Analysing the phenomenon of the forced returns (deportations) of EU nationals within the Schengen area, this paper exposes the nature of the little-known practice of cross-border transfers. It focuses on the phenomenon of a forced return of Polish citizens from Germany, specifically on the micro-level moment of transfer of custody between the German Federal Police (Bundespolizei) into the hands of the Polish Border Guards (Straż Graniczna) on the Polish–German border, looking at the procedural variations and the decision-making of the officers, especially in the context of its street-level echelon and its practical contribution to the concept of deportability.
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This text addresses three key issues presented in the article by Perdał et al. (2020) and in the polemic by Bolesław Domański, published in this issue of Studia Regionalne i Lokalne: territorial aspects of social justice, the relationships between territorial differentiation of socio-economic phenomena and political attitudes and behaviour in Poland, and the problem of meeting the requirements of social justice in relation to territorial systems that are in a particularly difficult situation, mainly due to their depopulation.
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The article presents issues related to the occurrence of political risk in local government in Poland. It will attempt to identify the symptoms to demonstrate the possibility of a political budget cycle in local government units. On the basis of budgetary data an empirical analysis of local governments will be carried out, with a particular emphasis on debt levels, capital expenditures, and a result of the budget in the years of local elections and pre-election periods. The presented research results cover all categories of local government units, i.e., municipalities, cities with poviat rights, poviats, and voivodships. The time range of the analysis is 2003-2019. The empirical part is preceded by a literature review, both in terms of the election cycle and the risk related to local debt management. The adopted structure of the article allows obtaining an answer to the question of whether there is a political risk in the surveyed entities.
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The article aims to determine the influence of administrative courts' jurisprudence on planning practice in the field of spatial order protection. This impact was verified from the perspective of two key, practical (used by courts, local government units, participants in the space game), and legal information systems: LEX and Legalis. The jurisprudence theses contained in the systems mentioned above constitute the basis for the judgments and formulation of arguments expressed in subsequent cases. Two key provisions were selected, important from the perspective of the protection of spatial order and the scope of property rights in the spatial management system: Art. 2, point 1, and Art. 6. The results show that in the examined systems, neutral judgments dominate. Nevertheless, the representation of decisions enabling the expansion of development possibilities is forceful. In this context, the key decisions seem to be more precise, defining the spatial order and directly indicating the superiority of the spatial order over the ownership right. Despite the lack of a clear legal basis, administrative courts should pay particular attention to this direction.
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The article is a review of the book titled Oswajanie niepewności. Studia społeczno-ekonomiczne nad młodymi pracownikami sprekaryzowanymi (2020), edited by Adam Mrozowicki and Jan Czarzasty. The author describes the content of the book, comments on the results, and provides his review.
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One of the permanent instruments shaping the acquis communautaire are national referendums, which, although they have a different legal basis in each country, due to their scope, are combined into a common category of referendums on European integration (European referendums). Followed shortly by revision referendums, membership referendums were the first to appear in the integration process. The said referendums are part of the process of the top-down law Europeanisation. They do not, however, exhaust the catalogue of referendums on European integration, which also includes bottom-up Europeanisation national referendums. Because in each case of referendums it is possible to clearly indicate the type of Europeanisation (top-down, bottom-up) which they implement – it seems that this process may become the basis for the internal diversification of European referendums. The aim of the article is to propose a dichotomous division into European top-down and bottom-up referendums, and to analyse the categories of European bottom-up referendums. Six referendums organised after the TL’s entry into force were analysed. These are referendums that took place in: Denmark, Greece, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and Hungary.
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The study addresses the problem of to what extent and in what scope do the regulations concerning political parties, resulting from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, determine the ordinary legislator? The analysis is made from the perspective of the triad of notions: freedom – duty – responsibility.
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The subject of the article is to assess the admissibility of remote voting in the Sejm by means of electronic communication from the point of view of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, in particular Article 109(1) and Article 120. The aim of the article is to determine – with the use of dogmatic, historical and comparative method – the possibility of holding a valid sitting of the Sejm in the presence of deputies remotely participating in the sitting. The text takes the view that a purposive interpretation allows for the holding of a sitting of the Sejm in virtual form (by permitting remote voting) in exceptional situations, in particular when the physical presence of deputies in the plenary chamber is impossible or would involve a serious risk to their life or health. The technical means used for remote voting should ensure that all authorised deputies have a secure and effective connection to the voting equipment, i.e. that the voter can be identified, that it is tamper-proof and that the vote can be cast efficiently.
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