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Given the importance of regulated social relations, electoral law has a special place in the legal system. The current article develops the necessity and implications of a thorough process of codification of the electoral law in Romania, able to make the electoral legislation more effective and consolidate the principles of predictability and clarity of the legislation. After mentioning the process of electoral codification from a historic perspective, the article develops the characteristics of a substantial codification. Regarding the principle of legal certainty, the analysis of the frequency of the amendments to the electoral legislation and the international standards in this area represent additional arguments for the codification of the electoral law. The article develops the rules of procedure applicable to the process of electoral codification, the options that the public authorities have, and, in the end, the current initiatives and their status. In the field of electoral law, where the regulated social relations are related to the instauration, maintaining and the exercise of state power, the principle of legal certainty has a special significance, as the stability and the coherence of the legislation are not only dimensions of the quality of law, but also coordinates of the citizens’ trust in every election. For these reasons, the arguments for a codification of the electoral law are valid and actual.
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The author considers that the subject of this article is one of public interest in Romania today, especially after regional and global politico-military developments, originating from the aggressive actions and belligerent statements of officials in the Russian Federation, primarily President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. In 2021, new elements and evidence emerged regarding Russia's destabilizing actions against EU and NATO countries, using direct threats of force, as well as actions from the "hybrid war" range and energy blackmail, through political manipulation of oil and gas supplies. . In the military field, Russia has accelerated armament with new types of offensive weapons, such as hypersonic missiles, armored vehicles of all types, nuclear submarines, fighter and strategic bombing.
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Through this paper, I am aiming mainly to reveal the mechanism of application of a criminal participation model crystallized in German doctrine and practice, in reference to the crime of voter corruption committed by material executors on behalf of and/or for the benefit of political parties. The approach aims at outlining a legal instrument, applicable in the national regulatory framework, which would expose the political party in the essential antechamber of material facts. At the same time, I appreciate that the need to probe such a mechanism is grafted on the following coordinates: the textual deficiencies of the norm of criminalizing voters, respectively the functional insufficiencies of the forms of criminal participation in conjunction with the desideratum of adapting criminal policy to social realities, tangential to this crime.
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In this paper we intend to analyse the electoral crimes by means of a multidisciplinary exercise and to bring back in the foreground of the legal sciences a concept almost completely ignored by the post-Decembrist criminal law literature: the political crimes. In order to do so, we aim to divide the review into three succinct phases. We start by examining the notion of political crime, as it was understood both in the legal doctrine and by the legislator. In this section we are not citing only jurists, but also sociologists, anthropologists, historians and political scientists. We continue with a second section, where we take under consideration the electoral crimes to find if their only role is to protect some fundamental rights of the citizen or if they play a larger part. Once we clarified these aspects, we may pass to the third component of our argument and decide if the electoral crimes may be considered political antisystem crimes or not. The paper ends with a synthesis of the conclusions that we can extract from this exercise.
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The exercise of power by the people will lead to positive results only to the extent that their will is respected. The sovereignty of the people presupposes that the choice of the majority of citizens regarding the person or persons entrusted with the power is fully respected. This aspect is the essence of democracy, any conduct by which the majority will of the population is hijacked, being completely excluded. It is not enough for a legal rule to lay down the rules of conduct which its addressees must follow. An essential element is that the respective legal norm also contains provisions regarding the sanctioning of persons whose conduct is contrary to the will of the legislator. In our opinion, a special procedure should be set up in the case of offenses which have resulted in election fraud, a procedure which should be carried out expeditiously and which will enable the case to be clarified as soon as possible. This study presents a series of proposals on the scope of such a procedure and the concrete way in which it is carried out.
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Commencing with the importance of a proper cross-reference of electoral criminal offenses, this article approaches the specific probatory followed in this case by directly touching base with the current legislation and the judicial practices of courts, in order to assemble a greater picture of the main objectives of criminal investigation. Likewise, it has been designed a de lege ferenda proposal, meant to simplify the process of criminal prosecution and to increase the chances of identifying the authors of such crimes.
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The military strategy of the future is characterized by the digitization of the battlefield (space) and the integration of operations. Large US units are digitized and operate with weapons systems and equipment trained at the combat Training Center (CTC), Joint Readiness Training Center (JRTC) and national Training Center (NTC). Politically, the war of 20 March 2003 is one of the strategic partnerships. TheUS has adopted three strategies (political, economic, and cultural) and a Network-Based War (NBW) in which it uses C4I2SR systems and the following resources: human, economic, financial, high-tech, information technology, infrastructure, and communications structures.
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Talking about the Roman electoral system nowadays may certainly seem at a first glance, an outdated approach and one lacking a practical utility. However, if we leave aside the Greek democracy, the Roman electoral system was not only one of the best developed from a procedural point of view, but also one that overwhelmingly inspired modern systems. In the perception of the Romans, the state was not a separate and distinct entity from - and occasionally opposed to - the individual, but a group of individuals linked by various affiliations and sharing distinct obligations and privileges. But the real strength of the Roman state laid in the suffrage of the citizens, given that they had the necessary tools, legal and political alike, to elect those who exercised executive power, a basic feature today in all representative democracies.
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“I dedicate this book to all those whom God gave the strength to fight, with few resources, against the country traitors, guilty of transforming Romania into a colony at Europe’s periphery and transforming the Romanians into tenants of ancestral land.”
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Far from offering a predictive model, the literature in political psychology can at this point offer some pieces of the puzzle regarding the way in which we vote. This article is a synthesis, one which is not exhaustive, regarding some of the factors of influence on electoral choice. We have analyzed some variables which count when voting: the influence of parents and life partners, human values, candidate tone of voice and ambiguity of information. In the end, we have laid out some ways of increasing participation to vote.
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Commitment in Afghanistan represented the mainline of effort in the overall context of stabilization and reconstruction efforts undertaken by the international community in the last decades. Obviously, International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) was the key challenge in the field of crisis management for the XXI century. In this context, it can be argued on the fact that nato involvement in assuming the entire responsibility for conducting ISAFmission was a total novelty in terms of capacity to conduct a substantial commitment in a very intense operational environment at a strategic distance from eUROPE.
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The sphere of states affected by the crisis in Afghanistan, related to the last 5 decades. The framework of the response by the Soviet forces, from the extremist groups on the Afghan territory, in the context of the Afghan-Soviet war. The consequences of the failures of military interventions on the states participating in the armed conflicts on the territory of the Afghan state, which manifested themselves in the form of billions of dollars, terrorist attacks by extremist groups, respectively their repercussions. The risks to which the member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, namely the Soviet Union, have been subjected in the course of the fighting on Afghan territory.
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Addressing current security and defense issues can only be adequately achieved through synergistic action with international participation. Implicitly, the effects generated, whether they are of a social, economic, legal, military or any other nature, also require a collaborative, conjugate action. Cooperation in the field of counteracting the effects of conflicts has gained increasing importance in recent years, determined by the dynamics and complexity of the international security environment and the need for combined approaches.
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The experience of post-war military conflicts has highlighted the fact that even in modern warfare there will be frequent situations in which forces of different values will reach the position of withdrawing as a result of previous unfavorable actions. Consistent with the new demands of conflict, we will highlight the fact that this concept has been interpreted over time, and obviously, withdrawals are always forgotten and always learned by each generation.
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The article gives, in a brief approach, aspects of the life of the Romanian George Pomuț, who took part, with the rank of captain, in the revolution of 1848 -1849, in Hungary and will through faith, a spirit of sacrifice and heroism, to be advanced to the rank of general of the American army in the Civil War of 1861-1865. Researching and analyzing various books, articles, written by Romanian or foreign authors, regarding the life of Brigadier General George Pomuț, an American citizen of Romanian origin, from the United States Army, inaccuracies can be observed regarding some aspects of his life and his work in the American civil War, less known and which raises some questions, due to the fact that there is not yet enough certain information.
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Studying numerous bibliographic material, the authors of the article briefly deal with lesser-known aspects regarding the influence of the events of the First World War on the right to self-determination of the Romanian population in Transylvania, as well as the actions were taken by personalities therefrom with the scope of drawing up and presentation of the Declaration of national self-determination of the Executive Committee of the Romanian National Party from Transylvania and Hungary.
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The analysis of the events of the hybrid war in the Republic of Moldova between 1990-1992 and the examination of publications on the conflicts in Transnistria and the southern part of Moldova - Comrat, Vulcanesti - outlines certain stages of the aggression, carried out according to a pre-established military strategic plan.
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The European Green Deal (EGD) is the European Union’s comprehensive policy framework, intended to set the vision for the first climate-neutral economy by 2050, in compliance with the Paris Agreement. Achieving this ambitious goal will require a radical transformation in European production and consumption patterns, and climate action lies at the core of this transition process. As the first legal initiative implementing the EGD, the European Climate Law makes climate neutrality a legally binding objective. It also empowers the European Commission to set the trajectory for achieving this goal by 2050. This legal act will clear the path for a more integrated climate policy. However, the current climate targets, although recently updated by the European Climate Law, are not yet in line with the goals of the Paris Agreement or the EU’s ambition of becoming climate neutral in 2050. This paper looks at recent changes in EU’s climate and energy law brought about by the EGD. Based on this analysis, its main objective is to assess whether the new policies constitute a suitable legal path to achieve climate neutrality by 2050.
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As the world economy is confronted with the urgency of climate change, the emergence of new technologies and a redefinition of the balance of power, one of the areas that attracts more and more interest is that of the hydrogen-based economy. The paper proposes a classification of participants into 4 categories and analyses their current and announced strategies and actions related to the utilization of hydrogen in economy. At the same time, the paper offers some arguments in relation to the complementary nature of electrical battery and hydrogen-based utilizations in economy. The global distribution of the key players reflects an important asymmetry and supports the idea of the emergence of a new type of balance of power and of international relations which will translate into a new geopolitical map of the world. In this context, the European Union emerges as one of the main participants in the energy transition towards the goal of net zero carbon emissions in 2050 and even if there are great differences in the degree of preparedness among the member states, the conclusion is that all of them should participate at the earliest stage possible
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